Earlier this morning, on President Trump's orders, I directed a lethal, kinetic strike on a narco-trafficking vessel affiliated with Designated Terrorist Organizations in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility. Four male narco-terrorists aboard the vessel were killed in the strike, and no U.S. forces were harmed in the operation. The strike was conducted in international waters just off the coast of Venezuela while the vessel was transporting substantial amounts of narcotics - headed to America to poison our people.   Our intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route. These strikes will continue until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!

Released footage of a Caribbean boat seconds before it is destroyed via a missile. Screenshot via X. American forces in the Caribbean struck a fourth boat in the sea this morning, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said, killing four people on board.  “Earlier this morning, on President Trump’s orders, I directed a lethal, kinetic strike on a narco-trafficking vessel affiliated with Designated Terrorist Organizations in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility,” Hegseth announced in a post on X.  The attack comes after the Trump administration said that the United States is in “a non-international armed conflict with these designated terrorist organizations,” referring to drug cartels. A memo from the administration to Congress, obtained and first reported on by the Associated Press, referred to those killed as “unlawful combatants.”  Get Task & Purpose in your inbox Sign up for Task & Purpose Today to get the latest in military news each morning. The secretary said that the Friday morning strike happened in international waters, near Venezuelan territory, and the strike killed four men onboard the boat. Video shared in that same post showed a speedboat moving through the water when it is hit by a munition and explodes.  It’s the fourth attack on a boat sailing through the Caribbean since Sept. 2, when American forces struck a ship carrying 11 people. Two more attacks on boats followed later that month. The strikes in September killed a total of 17 people, according to figures from the Trump administration. Today’s strike brings the total number of people killed by American airstrikes in the Caribbean to 21. Today Hegseth said that strikes will continue “until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!” U.S. forces have carried out previous strikes — some via drones — without presenting public evidence the ships were containing drugs. In his statement, Hegseth claimed that American “intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route.” None of the intelligence was shared. Top Stories This Week Despite the use of lethal strikes targeting alleged drug trafficking vessels, the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard have also continued normal interdiction and searches.  The U.S. and Venezuela have not had direct confrontations, although Venezuelan fighters buzzed past the USS Jason Dunham last month. This week the Venezuelan government accused American fighter jets of an “incursion,” saying they were spotted 75 kilometers (46 miles) off of Venezuela’s coast; that is outside of Venezuelan airspace. The United States designated certain cartels, including ones linked to Venezuela, as “foreign terrorist organizations” earlier this year. In August the United States started moving several ships and aircraft into the Caribbean, including an amphibious ready group carrying a Marine Expeditionary Unit, several warships, multiple F-35 fighter jets and at least two MQ-9 Reaper drones.   Task & Purpose Video Each week on Tuesdays and Fridays our team will bring you analysis of military tech, tactics, and doctrine.

Released footage of a Caribbean boat seconds before it is destroyed via a missile. Screenshot via X. American forces in the Caribbean struck a fourth boat in the sea this morning, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said, killing four people on board.  “Earlier this morning, on President Trump’s orders, I directed a lethal, kinetic strike on a narco-trafficking vessel affiliated with Designated Terrorist Organizations in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility,” Hegseth announced in a post on X.  The attack comes after the Trump administration said that the United States is in “a non-international armed conflict with these designated terrorist organizations,” referring to drug cartels. A memo from the administration to Congress, obtained and first reported on by the Associated Press, referred to those killed as “unlawful combatants.”  Get Task & Purpose in your inbox Sign up for Task & Purpose Today to get the latest in military news each morning. The secretary said that the Friday morning strike happened in international waters, near Venezuelan territory, and the strike killed four men onboard the boat. Video shared in that same post showed a speedboat moving through the water when it is hit by a munition and explodes.  It’s the fourth attack on a boat sailing through the Caribbean since Sept. 2, when American forces struck a ship carrying 11 people. Two more attacks on boats followed later that month. The strikes in September killed a total of 17 people, according to figures from the Trump administration. Today’s strike brings the total number of people killed by American airstrikes in the Caribbean to 21. Today Hegseth said that strikes will continue “until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!” U.S. forces have carried out previous strikes — some via drones — without presenting public evidence the ships were containing drugs. In his statement, Hegseth claimed that American “intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route.” None of the intelligence was shared. Top Stories This Week Despite the use of lethal strikes targeting alleged drug trafficking vessels, the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard have also continued normal interdiction and searches.  The U.S. and Venezuela have not had direct confrontations, although Venezuelan fighters buzzed past the USS Jason Dunham last month. This week the Venezuelan government accused American fighter jets of an “incursion,” saying they were spotted 75 kilometers (46 miles) off of Venezuela’s coast; that is outside of Venezuelan airspace. The United States designated certain cartels, including ones linked to Venezuela, as “foreign terrorist organizations” earlier this year. In August the United States started moving several ships and aircraft into the Caribbean, including an amphibious ready group carrying a Marine Expeditionary Unit, several warships, multiple F-35 fighter jets and at least two MQ-9 Reaper drones.   Task & Purpose Video Each week on Tuesdays and Fridays our team will bring you analysis of military tech, tactics, and doctrine.

In a Friday post on the social media platform X, Hegseth shared a video of the attack, which he identified as taking place near the coast of Venezuela. The footage shows a small, narrow boat clipping across the waves before the air strike halts its momentum, leaving the vessel engulfed in flames. Hegseth explained he directed the attack. “Four male narco-terrorists aboard the vessel were killed in the strike, and no U.S. forces were harmed in the operation,” he wrote. “The strike was conducted in international waters just off the coast of Venezuela while the vessel was transporting substantial amounts of narcotics – headed to America to poison our people,” he claimed. The latest attack follows three similar US air strikes last month, the first of which took place on September 2. Eleven people were killed in that initial attack. A second and third strike — on September 15 and 19 respectively — killed three people a piece. In each case, the administration of President Donald Trump has argued that the boats’ occupants were narcotics traffickers headed to the US, though no evidence has been provided for those assertions and the suspects have not yet been identified. MNA/

Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth has revealed that the United States has conducted a fourth “lethal, kinetic strike” on a boat in the Caribbean Sea, accusing the vessel of carrying narcotics.In a Friday post on the social media platform X, Hegseth shared a video of the attack, which he identified as taking place near the coast of Venezuela.Recommended Stories list of 3 itemslist 1 of 3Venezuela Foreign Ministry warns of ‘immoral military threat’ from USlist 2 of 3Trump memo says US in ‘non-international armed conflict’ with cartelslist 3 of 3Key takeaways from Trump’s speech to US military generalsend of listThe footage shows a small, narrow boat clipping across the waves before the air strike halts its momentum, leaving the vessel engulfed in flames.Hegseth explained he directed the attack. “Four male narco-terrorists aboard the vessel were killed in the strike, and no U.S. forces were harmed in the operation,” he wrote.“The strike was conducted in international waters just off the coast of Venezuela while the vessel was transporting substantial amounts of narcotics – headed to America to poison our people.”The latest attack follows three similar US air strikes last month, the first of which took place on September 2. Eleven people were killed in that initial attack. A second and third strike — on September 15 and 19 respectively — killed three people a piece.In each case, the administration of President Donald Trump has argued that the boats’ occupants were narcotics traffickers headed to the US, though no evidence has been provided for those assertions and the suspects have not yet been identified.That assertion was repeated in Friday’s announcement from Hegseth, who said that the US intelligence community had identified the latest target.He also pledged to continue carrying out air strikes on boats in the Caribbean region until the drug-trafficking ended.Get instant alerts and updates based on your interests. Be the first to know when big stories happen.“Our intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route,” Hegseth wrote. “These strikes will continue until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!”Trump himself weighed in, asserting on Truth Social that the boat “loaded with enough drugs to kill 25 TO 50 THOUSAND PEOPLE”.Legal experts, however, have warned that the attacks appear to violate international law, which largely prohibits extrajudicial killings outside of combat.Traditionally, drug-trafficking has also not been considered an “attack” under the United Nations Charter, which establishes a right to “self-defence if an armed attack occurs”.But the Trump administration has sought to frame the illicit drug trade as an act of aggression against the US.In a news briefing on Friday, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt argued that the air strikes fell under the president’s “ constitutional authority as commander-in-chief” of the US armed forces, and she said Trump was personally involved in the attacks.“As the White House has said many times, the president has directed these actions, these strikes, against Venezuelan drug cartels and these boats, consistent with his responsibility to protect the United States’ interests abroad,” Leavitt said.This week, media reports also emerged that the administration presented a confidential memo to Congress, asserting that the president had “determined” that the US was engaged in a “non-international armed conflict” with drug cartels, which it labelled as “unlawful combatants”.The memo allegedly cited the attacks on the boats in the Caribbean as justification for the new designation, which has been previously been understood to refer to internal conflicts, like a civil war.Under the US Constitution, Congress is the only branch of government authorised to declare war, and it has not formally authorised the strikes on the boats.Since February, the Trump administration has also labelled various Latin American drug cartels and criminal networks as “foreign terrorist organisations”.That includes the Venezuelan group Tren de Aragua, which Trump has accused of being masterminded by Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, despite a declassified US intelligence report in May finding no such connection.The US air strikes on boats near Venezuela have heightened tensions with the Maduro government, which has ordered a build-up of military forces along the South American country’s coast.Likewise, the US has stepped up its military presence in the Caribbean, sending fighter jets to bases in Puerto Rico and other locations.Trump has cited the unsubstantiated connection between Maduro and Tren de Aragua to justify his use of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, which has been challenged repeatedly in court.Just last month, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the law — only employed three times prior, during times of war — had been “improperly invoked”.It also found no credible evidence that “an invasion or a predatory incursion has occurred”, as the Trump administration has argued.Still, in August, reports emerged that Trump had secretly signed an order authorising military force against the cartels.Secretary of State Marco Rubio appeared to confirm the reports, saying the US would “target these groups if we have an opportunity to do it”.Such action, however, has prompted outcry from human rights advocates, legal experts and even former US military officials.“Four more people were killed this morning,” Tess Bridgeman, a visiting scholar at New York University’s law school, posted on the social media platform BlueSky.She noted that “Trump has offered no definition or limiting principle for who can be labeled a ‘terrorist’ and summarily killed”.“If it can happen at sea, it can happen anywhere,” she added.

U.S. military assets killed four people and destroyed another boat in a fourth strike against alleged drug traffickers, according to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.Under Donald Trump’s orders, Hegseth directed “a lethal, kinetic strike on a narco-trafficking vessel affiliated with Designated Terrorist Organizations” off the coast of Venezuela on Friday morning, according to Hegseth.Hegseth, in a post on X with a video of the destruction, accused the boat of “transporting substantial amounts of narcotics” to the United States “to poison our people.”“Our intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route,” he wrote. “These strikes will continue until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!”The attack marks the fourth such strike, which have killed more than 20 people within the last month.A screenshot of a video posted by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth shows an alleged drug boat blown up by U.S. forces off the coast of Venezuela October 3 (Pentagon)A recent notice from the Pentagon to members of Congress and obtained by The Independent states that the United States is formally engaged in an “armed conflict” with drug cartels that the Trump administration has labeled “unlawful combatants.”The unclassified notice appears to claim extraordinary wartime powers to justify military strikes against alleged drug traffickers which have drawn legal scrutiny and allegations that the administration and defense officials committed extrajudicial murder.According to the notice, the administration says that the president has “determined” that cartels are “nonstate armed groups” whose actions “constitute an armed attack against the United States” and are now engaged in a “noninternational armed conflict” — or war with a non-state actor.The administration cites a statute requiring reports to lawmakers about conflicts involving U.S. military personnel. A White House official told The Independent that the administration is complying with requirements under the National Defense Authorization Act to inform Congress of any attack involving armed forces.Under Donald Trump’s direction, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ordered a fourth strike on an alleged drug-carrying boat, killing four on board, after the administration declared the US is engaged in ‘armed conflict’ with cartels (Getty Images)Following news of the notice to Congress, White House deputy press secretary Anna Kelly told The Independent that the president “acted in line with the law of armed conflict to protect our country from those trying to bring deadly poison to our shores, and he is delivering on his promise to take on the cartels and eliminate these national security threats from murdering more Americans.”Defense officials have been ordered to “conduct operations against them pursuant to the law of armed conflict,” the notice says.“The United States has now reached a critical point where we must use force in self-defense and defense of others against the ongoing attacks by these designated terrorist organizations,” according to the notice.It remains unclear what evidence the United States has collected to justify the attacks; the White House and defense officials have declined to share additional information about the strikes, citing national security concerns.Legal experts and former national security officials have disputed the president’s legal authority to launch extrajudicial killings against suspected drug traffickers, raising consequential questions on both the administration’s growing conflict with Venezuela and the president’s anti-immigration agenda.

(Trinidad Guardian) Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar says she remains in support of US strikes on alleged Venezuelan drug traffickers, even as she seeks to foster a better relationship with that country’s leader, President Nicolas Maduro. On Tuesday, United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio assured the Prime Minister that the Donald Trump administration supports Trinidad and Tobago’s Dragon gas project. After bilateral discussions on energy and national security, high on the agenda in Washington, DC, Secretary Rubio acknowledged the significance of the Dragon gas plan to T&T’s economic prosperity and regional stability.He said the US support included steps to safeguard the project’s implementation and ensure that it all aligns with an Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) licence, while limiting the benefits to the Maduro administration.Maduro is deemed a narco trafficker by the US, with the country sending warships to the region since August to stop what it claimed were traffickers reaching its mainland with illegal drugs.To date, there have been four air strikes on vessels, including one yesterday that killed four people. In all, 21 people have been killed since the strikes began on September 2.US Defence Secretary Peter Hegseth yesterday announced that he ordered another strike on a small boat he accused of carrying drugs in the waters off Venezuela, expanding what the Trump administration has declared is an “armed conflict” with cartels.In a post on social media, Hegseth explained the “vessel was trafficking narcotics” and those aboard were “narco-terrorists.” He said the strike killed four men but offered no further details. Discover moreTrinidadTrinidad & TobagoTrinidad and TobagoChess setsTravel Guide GuyanaGardening toolsAYODHYADailyLifestyle productsDoll US President Donald Trump said in his own social media post that the boat was “loaded with enough drugs to kill 25 TO 50 THOUSAND PEOPLE” and implied it was “entering American territory” while off the coast of Venezuela.Asked about yesterday’s strike at a function at the Diplomatic Centre, St Ann’s, the Prime Minister maintained her support for the US. She again denied that they were extra-judicial. Discover moreTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoTrinidadAdvertise BusinessNewspaper Subscription ServiceDollRegional News ReportsEditorial ServicesSports equipmentProject Syndicate Access “Criminals are criminals, and we have to wipe out criminals, as I said, violently. I said it. So, yes, we are in support. Unless I have evidence to the contrary that something is wrong, I have no such evidence. People are saying no due process, no law, whatever.”She added, “The United States is a sovereign country, and they are free to exercise their sovereignty in matters that they deem fit. I cannot intervene. I have no evidence. Otherwise, I can only go on the basis of what has been shared, that we are all engaged in the battle against the narco-traffickers, the human traffickers, and the gun runners.” Discover moreTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoTrinidadEntertainment news subscriptionPet suppliesStabroek Weekend MagazineActivewearDigital News AccessEditorial ServicesDaily Also commenting on the presence of the US military was Canadian High Commissioner Michael Callan, who said the uncertainty in the region was concerning.Speaking on CNC3’s The Morning Brew yesterday, he said: “In those shifting times that we’re in now, when there’s increasing uncertainty and instability, it’s a reminder that we need to reinvest and redouble our efforts with our trusted friends and with our close partners and cement those relationships that are dear to our hearts and dear to our national interests. So there’s no coincidence that it’s happening this year. It’s a way to counterbalance the destabilising effects of the geopolitics at the moment.” Discover moreTrinidadTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoRugby merchandiseAYODHYAvehiclesNewspaperPet suppliesArts Sunday FeaturesSubmit News Tips

(Trinidad Guardian) Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar says she remains in support of US strikes on alleged Venezuelan drug traffickers, even as she seeks to foster a better relationship with that country’s leader, President Nicolas Maduro. On Tuesday, United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio assured the Prime Minister that the Donald Trump administration supports Trinidad and Tobago’s Dragon gas project. After bilateral discussions on energy and national security, high on the agenda in Washington, DC, Secretary Rubio acknowledged the significance of the Dragon gas plan to T&T’s economic prosperity and regional stability.He said the US support included steps to safeguard the project’s implementation and ensure that it all aligns with an Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) licence, while limiting the benefits to the Maduro administration.Maduro is deemed a narco trafficker by the US, with the country sending warships to the region since August to stop what it claimed were traffickers reaching its mainland with illegal drugs.To date, there have been four air strikes on vessels, including one yesterday that killed four people. In all, 21 people have been killed since the strikes began on September 2.US Defence Secretary Peter Hegseth yesterday announced that he ordered another strike on a small boat he accused of carrying drugs in the waters off Venezuela, expanding what the Trump administration has declared is an “armed conflict” with cartels.In a post on social media, Hegseth explained the “vessel was trafficking narcotics” and those aboard were “narco-terrorists.” He said the strike killed four men but offered no further details. Discover moreTrinidadTrinidad & TobagoTrinidad and TobagoChess setsTravel Guide GuyanaGardening toolsAYODHYADailyLifestyle productsDoll US President Donald Trump said in his own social media post that the boat was “loaded with enough drugs to kill 25 TO 50 THOUSAND PEOPLE” and implied it was “entering American territory” while off the coast of Venezuela.Asked about yesterday’s strike at a function at the Diplomatic Centre, St Ann’s, the Prime Minister maintained her support for the US. She again denied that they were extra-judicial. Discover moreTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoTrinidadAdvertise BusinessNewspaper Subscription ServiceDollRegional News ReportsEditorial ServicesSports equipmentProject Syndicate Access “Criminals are criminals, and we have to wipe out criminals, as I said, violently. I said it. So, yes, we are in support. Unless I have evidence to the contrary that something is wrong, I have no such evidence. People are saying no due process, no law, whatever.”She added, “The United States is a sovereign country, and they are free to exercise their sovereignty in matters that they deem fit. I cannot intervene. I have no evidence. Otherwise, I can only go on the basis of what has been shared, that we are all engaged in the battle against the narco-traffickers, the human traffickers, and the gun runners.” Discover moreTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoTrinidadEntertainment news subscriptionPet suppliesStabroek Weekend MagazineActivewearDigital News AccessEditorial ServicesDaily Also commenting on the presence of the US military was Canadian High Commissioner Michael Callan, who said the uncertainty in the region was concerning.Speaking on CNC3’s The Morning Brew yesterday, he said: “In those shifting times that we’re in now, when there’s increasing uncertainty and instability, it’s a reminder that we need to reinvest and redouble our efforts with our trusted friends and with our close partners and cement those relationships that are dear to our hearts and dear to our national interests. So there’s no coincidence that it’s happening this year. It’s a way to counterbalance the destabilising effects of the geopolitics at the moment.” Discover moreTrinidadTrinidad and TobagoTrinidad & TobagoRugby merchandiseAYODHYAvehiclesNewspaperPet suppliesArts Sunday FeaturesSubmit News Tips

Ione WellsSouth America correspondentUS forces have killed four people in an attack on a boat off the coast of Venezuela that was allegedly trafficking drugs, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth says. "The strike was conducted in international waters just off the coast of Venezuela while the vessel was transporting substantial amounts of narcotics - headed to America to poison our people," Hegseth wrote in a post on X. It is the latest in a number of recent deadly strikes that the US has carried out on boats in international waters it says are involved in "narco-trafficking". The strikes have attracted condemnation in countries including Venezuela and Colombia, with some international lawyers describing the strikes as a breach of international law.Hegseth said the attack took place in the US Southern Command's area of responsibility, which covers most of South America and the Caribbean. "Our intelligence, without a doubt, confirmed that this vessel was trafficking narcotics, the people onboard were narco-terrorists, and they were operating on a known narco-trafficking transit route," Hegseth said about Friday's attack. "These strikes will continue until the attacks on the American people are over!!!!"US President Trump also confirmed the strike on his Truth Social platform, saying that the boat was carrying enough drugs "to kill 25 to 50 thousand people".However, the US has not provided evidence for its claims or any information about the identities of those on board.There was no immediate response from Venezuela but its president, Nicolás Maduro, has previously condemned the strikes and said his country will defend itself against US "aggression".Friday's fatal attack is the fourth by the US in a month. Trump said 11 people had been killed in a strike against a drug-carrying vessel in the southern Caribbean at the start of September.Later in the month, two separate strikes days apart killed a total of six people. This Thursday, a leaked memo sent to Congress – reported by US media – said the US government had now decided it was in a "non-international armed conflict" with drug cartels.This is significant because the administration is required by law to report to Congress if it will use the armed forces, which suggests it plans to use further military action.The US positioned its strikes on alleged drug boats as self-defence, despite many lawyers questioning their legality.Framing this as an active armed conflict is likely a way for Trump to justify using more extreme wartime powers – for example killing "enemy fighters" even if they have not posed a violent threat, or detaining people indefinitely. These are similar powers to those applied to al-Qaeda after 9/11.Trump has not provided the reasoning for why he appears to be categorising drug trafficking and associated crimes as an "armed attack", or named which cartels he believes are attacking the US.He has already designated many cartels, including in Mexico, Ecuador and Venezuela, as terrorist organisations – granting US authorities more powers in their response to them.

The White House on Thursday dismissed Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s allegation that the most recent US strike in the Caribbean may have targeted a Colombian vessel, saying the claim is “baseless and reprehensible.” “The United States looks forward to President Petro publicly retracting his baseless and reprehensible statement so that we can return to a productive dialogue on building a strong, prosperous future for the people of United States and Colombia,” a White House official said in a statement to CNN. “Despite policy differences with the current government, Colombia remains an essential strategic partner. We are committed to close cooperation on a range of shared priorities, including regional security and stability, and we remain engaged in efforts that improve the lives of Americans and Colombians alike,” the official added. The South American leader made the assertion in a post on X on Wednesday. “Indications show that the last boat bombed was Colombian with Colombian citizens inside it,” Petro wrote without providing details or evidence of his claim. “The aggression is against all of Latin America and the Caribbean.” Responding to the White House Wednesday, Petro said the US should provide details about the people killed in the recent attack. “The White House should give us information on the people who have died from US missiles, to know if my information is unfounded,” Petro said on X. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said last week that the US struck what he described as a “narco-trafficking vessel” in international waters just off Venezuela’s coast, killing all four people on board. It marked at least the fourth known US military strike in the region since the beginning of September, all of which have targeted boats the administration claims are “affiliated” with drug cartels. The US said at least two of the vessels departed from Venezuela. Petro in late September floated the idea that another one of those strikes may have also killed Colombian citizens. Referring to a vessel that was struck on September 19, the Colombian president said at the time: “If the boat was sunk in the Dominican Republic, then it is possible that they were Colombians. This means that officials from the US and the Dominican Republic would be guilty of the murder of Colombian citizens.” Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Sunday said the US is confident all the people on board the four boats were narco-traffickers. “The Department of Defense doesn’t take this lightly. There are many boats running through that region, some of which you – we suspect may have drugs on them, and they don’t take shots at them because they need to know with 100% certainty,” he said. The strikes followed the deployment of US warships to the Caribbean Sea on what Washington insists is a mission to combat drug trafficking, but Caracas believes is aimed at regime change. The US has accused Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro of involvement in drug trafficking – an allegation he strenuously denies – and recently doubled the bounty for his arrest to $50 million.

Colombia’s president has drawn Washington’s ire after accusing the US of killing Colombian citizens during a recent boat strike in the Caribbean Sea.“A new theatre of war has opened up: the Caribbean,” Gustavo Petro wrote on his official X account on Wednesday night.The US has launched at least four deadly aerial attacks on alleged drug trafficking boats crossing the waterway since early September, when 11 people were killed in the first strike.The South American country’s leftwing leader claimed there were “indications” that the most recently destroyed boat was Colombian “and had Colombians onboard”.“I hope their families come forwards to report this,” added Petro, a fierce critic of Donald Trump, without offering further details or evidence.Since the US began its strikes in the Caribbean at least 21 people have reportedly lost their lives. On Friday, the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, said four “narco-terrorists” were killed in international waters “just off the coast of Venezuela” as they transported “substantial amounts of [US-bound] narcotics”.However, the names of those killed on the supposed “narco-boats” have not been released and Trump officials have failed to provide any proof that the victims were involved in smuggling drugs to the US.The White House pushed back against Petro’s claims, demanding he publicly retract “his baseless and reprehensible statement” about the boat attack. But two US officials, who were not authorised to discuss the matter publicly, told the New York Times that Colombians were on at least one of the boats recently destroyed by the US.Petro urged the White House to release the names of those killed by US strikes “so I can see if my information is unfounded”.Washington claims its strikes – which are part of a major military buildup in the Caribbean Sea – are part of a large-scale crackdown on Venezuelan narco groups it accuses of flooding the US with cocaine.However, the decision to deploy warships and thousands of marines off Venezuela’s Caribbean coast has left many observers many wondering if the operation is actually a pretext to depose Venezuela’s authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro.“The deployment is vastly disproportionate to any real counter-narcotics mission. So this really looks, walks and talks like a regime change preparation,” Juan González, the White House’s former top Latin America official, told CNN this week.González, who served under Joe Biden, said that by some estimates “roughly 10% of naval assets” had been sent to the region.On Wednesday, Maduro, who Trump failed to topple during his first term, warned that his troops were preparing for a possible attempt at regime change. “If the gringos attack, we will respond.”Venezuela’s defense minister, Vladimir Padrino López, said he was braced for a variety of scenarios including drone attacks, an air campaign or acts of sabotage or targeted assassinations carried out by US special forces.Writing on Wednesday, Petro claimed “the war” playing out in the Caribbean Sea was not about drug smuggling but oil, a commodity of which Venezuela boasts the world’s largest reserves. “The world must stop this,” Petro added. “This aggression is aimed at the whole of Latin America and the Caribbean.”On Thursday, Grenada’s ministry of foreign affairs confirmed it ha​d received a request from the US for the “temporary installation of radar equipment and associated technical personnel”. The confirmation followed days of speculation by local media that the US was going to ask the country to host military assets to help with their operations in the southern Caribbean.While some Caribbean nations, such as Trinidad and Tobago, have welcomed the US’s military presence in the region, others have described it as a threat to peace and security.The Venezuela-backed Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America trade bloc, of which Grenada is a member, had condemned the US deployment of warships as a “flagrant violation” of international law. In its statement, Grenada said it was carefully reviewing the request and would only make a decision after “technical and legal assessments”.

AdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENTThe Trump administration has said that it is attacking boats and killing their occupants because they are smuggling drugs from Venezuela to the United States.President Gustavo Petro of Colombia at the United Nations General Assembly last month.Credit...Leonardo Munoz/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesOct. 8, 2025President Gustavo Petro of Colombia said on Wednesday that his government believed one of the boats recently bombed by the United States in its campaign against alleged drug traffickers had been carrying Colombian citizens.“A new war zone has opened up: the Caribbean,” Mr. Petro wrote on X. “Signs show that the last boat bombed was Colombian, with Colombian citizens inside. I hope their families come forward and file a complaint.”Mr. Petro did not provide further details.Subscribe to The Times to read as many articles as you like.Julie Turkewitz is the Andes Bureau Chief for The Times, based in Bogotá, Colombia, covering Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru.A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 9, 2025, Section A, Page 7 of the New York edition with the headline: Citizens Killed In U.S. Attack, Colombia Says. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | SubscribeRelated ContentAdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENT

Colombia’s president has drawn Washington’s ire after accusing the US of killing Colombian citizens during a recent boat strike in the Caribbean Sea.“A new theatre of war has opened up: the Caribbean,” Gustavo Petro wrote on his official X account on Wednesday night.The US has launched at least four deadly aerial attacks on alleged drug trafficking boats crossing the waterway since early September, when 11 people were killed in the first strike.The South American country’s leftwing leader claimed there were “indications” that the most recently destroyed boat was Colombian “and had Colombians onboard”.“I hope their families come forwards to report this,” added Petro, a fierce critic of Donald Trump, without offering further details or evidence.Since the US began its strikes in the Caribbean at least 21 people have reportedly lost their lives. On Friday, the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, said four “narco-terrorists” were killed in international waters “just off the coast of Venezuela” as they transported “substantial amounts of [US-bound] narcotics”.However, the names of those killed on the supposed “narco-boats” have not been released and Trump officials have failed to provide any proof that the victims were involved in smuggling drugs to the US.The White House pushed back against Petro’s claims, demanding he publicly retract “his baseless and reprehensible statement” about the boat attack. But two US officials, who were not authorised to discuss the matter publicly, told the New York Times that Colombians were on at least one of the boats recently destroyed by the US.Petro urged the White House to release the names of those killed by US strikes “so I can see if my information is unfounded”.Washington claims its strikes – which are part of a major military buildup in the Caribbean Sea – are part of a large-scale crackdown on Venezuelan narco groups it accuses of flooding the US with cocaine.However, the decision to deploy warships and thousands of marines off Venezuela’s Caribbean coast has left many observers many wondering if the operation is actually a pretext to depose Venezuela’s authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro.“The deployment is vastly disproportionate to any real counter-narcotics mission. So this really looks, walks and talks like a regime change preparation,” Juan González, the White House’s former top Latin America official, told CNN this week.González, who served under Joe Biden, said that by some estimates “roughly 10% of naval assets” had been sent to the region.On Wednesday, Maduro, who Trump failed to topple during his first term, warned that his troops were preparing for a possible attempt at regime change. “If the gringos attack, we will respond.”Venezuela’s defense minister, Vladimir Padrino López, said he was braced for a variety of scenarios including drone attacks, an air campaign or acts of sabotage or targeted assassinations carried out by US special forces.Writing on Wednesday, Petro claimed “the war” playing out in the Caribbean Sea was not about drug smuggling but oil, a commodity of which Venezuela boasts the world’s largest reserves. “The world must stop this,” Petro added. “This aggression is aimed at the whole of Latin America and the Caribbean.”On Thursday, Grenada’s ministry of foreign affairs confirmed it ha​d received a request from the US for the “temporary installation of radar equipment and associated technical personnel”. The confirmation followed days of speculation by local media that the US was going to ask the country to host military assets to help with their operations in the southern Caribbean.While some Caribbean nations, such as Trinidad and Tobago, have welcomed the US’s military presence in the region, others have described it as a threat to peace and security.The Venezuela-backed Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America trade bloc, of which Grenada is a member, had condemned the US deployment of warships as a “flagrant violation” of international law. In its statement, Grenada said it was carefully reviewing the request and would only make a decision after “technical and legal assessments”.

AdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENTThe Trump administration has said that it is attacking boats and killing their occupants because they are smuggling drugs from Venezuela to the United States.President Gustavo Petro of Colombia at the United Nations General Assembly last month.Credit...Leonardo Munoz/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesOct. 8, 2025President Gustavo Petro of Colombia said on Wednesday that his government believed one of the boats recently bombed by the United States in its campaign against alleged drug traffickers had been carrying Colombian citizens.“A new war zone has opened up: the Caribbean,” Mr. Petro wrote on X. “Signs show that the last boat bombed was Colombian, with Colombian citizens inside. I hope their families come forward and file a complaint.”Mr. Petro did not provide further details.Subscribe to The Times to read as many articles as you like.Julie Turkewitz is the Andes Bureau Chief for The Times, based in Bogotá, Colombia, covering Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru.A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 9, 2025, Section A, Page 7 of the New York edition with the headline: Citizens Killed In U.S. Attack, Colombia Says. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | SubscribeRelated ContentAdvertisementSKIP ADVERTISEMENT

A boat loaded with enough drugs to kill 25 TO 50 THOUSAND PEOPLE was stopped, early this morning off the Coast of Venezuela, from entering American Territory.

Senator Adam Shiff is right. I'm currently in a meeting with European governments, and I'll say the same thing. A new theater of war has opened: the Caribbean. Evidence shows that the last boat bombed was Colombian, with Colombian citizens inside. I hope their families come forward and file complaints. There isn't a war against smuggling; it's a war for oil, and the world must stop it. The aggression is against all of Latin America and the Caribbean.

El senador Adam Shiff está en lo correcto. Ahora me encuentro en una reunión con los gobiernos Europeos y diré lo mismo. Se ha abierto un nuevo escenario de guerra: el Caribe. Indicios muestran que la última lancha bombardeada era colombiana con ciudadanos colombianos en su interiror. Espero que aparezcan sus familias y denuncien. No hay una guerra contra el contrabando hay es una guerra por el petróleo y debe ser detenida por el mundo. La agresión es contra toda América Latina y el Caribe

The White House should give us information about the people who have died from US missiles, so we know if my information is unfounded.

Qué la Casa Blanca nos de la información de las personas que han muerto por misiles de los EEUU, para saber si mi imformación es infundada

GÜIRIA, Venezuela (AP) — One was a fisherman struggling to eke out a living on $100 a month. Another was a career criminal. A third was a former military cadet. And a fourth was a down-on-his-luck bus driver. The men had little in common beyond their Venezuelan seaside hometowns and the fact all four were among the more than 60 people killed since early September when the U.S. military began attacking boats that the Trump administration alleges were smuggling drugs. President Donald Trump and top U.S. officials have alleged the craft were being operated by narco-terrorists and cartel members bound with deadly drugs for American communities. One mother describes the “confusion and anguish” of losing her son, who is believed to have been killed in one of the boats targeted by the U.S. military. (AP video Juan Arraez) The Associated Press learned the identities of four of the men – and pieced together details about at least five others – who were slain, providing the first detailed account of those who died in the strikes. In dozens of interviews in villages on Venezuela’s breathtaking northeastern coast, from which some of the boats departed, residents and relatives said the dead men had indeed been running drugs but were not narco-terrorists or leaders of a cartel or gang. Most of the nine men were crewing such craft for the first or second time, making at least $500 per trip, residents and relatives said. They were laborers, a fisherman, a motorcycle taxi driver. Two were low-level career criminals. One was a well-known local crime boss who contracted out his smuggling services to traffickers. The men lived on the Paria Peninsula, in mostly unpainted cinderblock homes that can go weeks without water service and regularly lose power for several hours a day. They awoke to panoramic views of a national park’s tropical forests, the Gulf of Paria’s shallows and the Caribbean’s sparkling sapphire waters. When the time came for their drug runs, they boarded open-hulled fishing skiffs that relied on powerful outboard motors to haul their drugs to nearby Trinidad and other islands. The residents and relatives interviewed by the AP requested anonymity out of fear of reprisals from drug smugglers, the Venezuelan government or the Trump administration. They said they were incensed that the men were killed without due process. In the past, their boats would have been interdicted by the U.S. authorities and the crewmen charged with federal crimes, affording them a day in court. The U.S. government “should have stopped them,” a man’s relative said.It has been difficult for relatives to learn much about their dead loved ones because criminal gangs and the Venezuelan government have long repressed the flow of information in the region. Venezuelan officials have blasted the U.S. government over the strikes, and the nation’s ambassador to the U.N. called the attacks “extrajudicial executions.” They have also steadfastly denied that drug traffickers operate in the country and have yet to acknowledge that any of its citizens have been killed in boat strikes. Spokespeople for Venezuela’s government did not respond to a request for comment.The Trump administration has justified the strikes by declaring drug cartels to be “ unlawful combatants ” and said the U.S. is now in an “armed conflict” with them. Trump has said each sunken boat has saved 25,000 American lives, presumably from overdoses. The boats, however, appear to have been transporting cocaine, not the far more deadly synthetic opioids that kill tens of thousands of Americans each year. Sean Parnell, the Pentagon’s chief spokesman, said in a statement to the AP that the Defense Department has “consistently said that our intelligence did indeed confirm that the individuals involved in these drug operations were narco-terrorists, and we stand by that assessment.”So far, the U.S. military has blown up 17 vessels, killing more than 60 people. Nine of the craft were targeted in the Caribbean, and at least three of those had departed from Venezuela, according to the Trump administration. The military is striking the boats at the same time the administration is applying increasing pressure on Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. The Justice Department doubled a reward for his arrest to $50 million, and the U.S. military has built up an unusually large force in the Caribbean Sea and the waters off Venezuela and has flown pairs of supersonic, heavy bombers along the country’s coast. Relatives and acquaintances said they have confirmed the deaths through word-of-mouth and inexplicit social media posts that sought to convey information about the dead men without drawing the attention of Venezuelan authorities. They have also made what they described as reasonable deductions: The men have not returned phone calls or texts in weeks, or reached out to say they were OK; Venezuelan authorities, residents said, have also searched some of the homes of the dead men. “I want an answer, but who can I ask?” said a relative of one of the men. “I can’t say anything.”The fisherman (AP Illustration / Peter Hamlin) A native of Güiria, a village on the southeast side of the peninsula, Robert Sánchez dropped out of school as a teenager and like many others in the region became a fisherman like his father, according to friends and relatives. The 42-year-old was considered among the peninsula’s best pilots, they said, having spent the better part of three decades mastering the area’s currents and winds, so much so he could navigate the waters at night without instruments. As part of hired crews, the father of four spent his days fishing for snapper, kingfish and dogfish. The fisherman wanted to save enough money to buy a 75-horsepower boat engine so he could operate his own boat and not work for others. It was a dream Sánchez knew he was likely to never realize, relatives said: Most of his income — about $100 a month — went to feed his children.He was not alone in that situation. The peninsula is part of Sucre state, one of Venezuela’s poorest. Sucre was once home to several fish processing plants, an auto assembly plant and a large public university, all of which offered well-paying jobs. Most have shuttered. The peninsula is dotted by the unfulfilled promises of 26 years of a self-described socialist government, including an abandoned shipyard and the rusted infrastructure meant for a natural gas complex. With its proximity to the Caribbean Sea, the area is a popular transit hub for cocaine making its way from Colombia to Trinidad and other Caribbean islands before heading to Europe. Colombian cocaine destined for the U.S. is generally smuggled out of Colombia through the Pacific coast. The larger economic pressures — and Sánchez’s goal of owning a boat engine — are what pushed the fisherman to accept an offer to help traffickers navigate the tricky waters he knew so well, friends and relatives said. Sánchez had just finished offloading a day’s catch last month when he told his mother he would be taking a short trip and would see her in a couple of days. They had no idea where he was going. After seeing clips on social media that mentioned his death, relatives broke the news to his mother, but not until after ensuring she had taken her blood pressure medication. Sánchez’s youngest son, a third grader, could not accept for days that his father was gone. He kept asking adults if his father could have survived the explosion, noting he might still be at sea.No, the adults told the boy. His father was gone. One of the first to die (AP Illustration / Peter Hamlin) Luis “Che” Martínez was killed in the first strike. A burly 60-year-old, Martínez was a longtime local crime boss, and he made most of his living smuggling drugs and people across borders, according to several people who knew him. He had been jailed by Venezuelan authorities on human-trafficking charges after a boat he had operated capsized in December 2020, killing about two dozen people, law enforcement officials said at the time. Among those who died in the accident were two of his sons and a granddaughter, relatives told the AP. The AP was not able to determine the disposition of his criminal case, but Martínez was eventually released from custody and returned to smuggling people and drugs, according to acquaintances. Though they detested what he did for a living — and the control Martínez and similar criminals exerted over their villages — several residents said they appreciated how Martínez contributed annually to the town’s festival of the Virgin of the Valley, the patroness of fishermen, and he spent lavishly in local shops and restaurants. He also bet heavily on cockfights, a popular pastime, a bird breeder said. Martínez was killed, a relative and several acquaintances said, in the first known U.S. strike, which took place Sept. 2. Trump quickly took to social media to claim the vessel had departed from Venezuela and had been carrying drugs. The 11-man crew, the president said, had been members of the Tren de Aragua gang. He said all of the men were killed and also posted a short video clip of a small vessel appearing to explode in flames.Martínez’s relatives said they did not believe the underworld figure was a member of that gang. They said they have been provided no information from the Venezuelan government about his fate. They figured it out when they came across a photo of a body that had washed ashore in Trinidad. The photo had been shared on social media and messaging apps and depicted a badly mutilated body. The people familiar with Martínez said they knew instantly the stout corpse was Martínez because, on his left wrist, was strapped one of his most treasured belongings: an ostentatious watch. The former cadet and bus driver (AP Illustration / Peter Hamlin) Dushak Milovcic, 24, was drawn to crime by the adrenaline rush and money, so much that he dropped out of the country’s National Guard Academy, according to those who knew him. He started as a lookout for smugglers, they said. Though he had no experience at sea, he eventually won a promotion to the more lucrative and coveted jobs on drug-running boats.It’s not clear how many trips he had undertaken before he was killed last month. Juan Carlos “El Guaramero” Fuentes had operated a transit bus for several years but was facing dire financial circumstances when it had broken down. The government had been unable — or unwilling — to fix it. That meant he was losing money because bus drivers in Venezuela typically pocket a portion of the fares, making it nearly impossible for him to feed and clothe his family. (AP Illustration / Peter Hamlin) Villagers said they were not surprised that Fuentes, who had no nautical experience, turned to smuggling to make ends meet. The higher-level traffickers who typically crewed such boats had been staying ashore to avoid being targeted by U.S. missiles. In their place, villagers said, they had been increasingly hiring novices like Fuentes. Fuentes told friends he had been nervous about his first smuggling run, knowing it would be filled with risks from weather, rival gangs, even the U.S. military. The September trip had gone surprisingly smoothly, he told friends, and he readily agreed to join another crew. Fuentes was killed in a missile strike last month, friends said, the precise one unknown. Dotted Line with Center Square —-Konstantin Toropin contributed from Washington.—This story was supported by funding from the Walton Family Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.—-Contact the AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or https://www.ap.org/tips/

“The passing of the popular Pichirilo, a great sports talent from Valdés, has been reported. Our condolences to his family,” posted @elshowderuben, a Facebook page for the program of the same name on Radio Güiria Internacional in Venezuela, on October 15, 2025. Their post received 483 reactions, mostly crying emojis or expressions of grief. “Pichirilo, you have no idea how much your news hurts, I will never forget you,” wrote a friend. “Rest in peace, Eduardo, popular Pichirilo,” “Rest in peace, my friend Pichirilo, excellent athlete. Great talent in front of the goal,” others commented. The day before, on October 14, a missile fired by the U.S. military had destroyed a boat off the Venezuelan coast near Güiria, a town in the municipality of Valdés, Sucre state, and a departure point for Trinidad and Tobago. According to the official US government video, the vessel was stationary when it was attacked. It was the fifth US attack on ships in the Caribbean. With the six people killed there, the death toll reached 27. US President Donald Trump stated on his social media that his Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, had given the order to strike on a known drug trafficking route in international waters, and that US intelligence “confirmed that the boat was trafficking narcotics” and was associated with narco-terrorist networks. The radio host of @showderuben told reporters from this journalistic alliance that he published the news about Pichirilo because he knew he was well-known in Güiria. “This is a small town and everyone knows each other here,” he explained, although he denied knowing anything about the circumstances of his death. Reporters from Rebel Alliance Investigates (ARI)—a coalition of the Venezuelan independent media outlets Runrunes, Tal Cual, and El Pitazo—allied with this investigation, confirmed in Güiria that Pichirilo's name was Eduardo Jaime, and that he was a beloved futsal player in that coastal town on the Venezuelan Caribbean coast. A family member later confirmed to this alliance by phone that Eduardo Jaime was on the boat that was shot down on October 14. From September 2015 until April 26 of this year, in what was called Operation Southern Spear, U.S. military forces destroyed 58 vessels with missile strikes and caused the deaths of 172 people like Eduardo Jaime—according to confirmation from the U.S. Southern Command in response to questions sent by this journalistic team via email. Since then, and until May 5, when this story was finalized, the U.S. government has publicly announced that it carried out two more attacks that killed five more people. US authorities also counted a total of 12 other missing persons, presumed dead. However, this journalistic alliance verified with sources in Costa Rica that of three presumed survivors of a March bombing at sea off the coast of that country, two died before reaching land. Thus, the death toll reached 179 as of May 5. In its written response, the US Southern Command stated that “every action taken during Operation Southern Spear is deliberate, legal, and precise, directed squarely against narco-terrorists and their facilitators. We have full confidence in the operations and intelligence professionals who inform our missions.” (See the full response here) However, days after the attack in which Pichirilo was killed that same October, Trump administration officials acknowledged in reports to members of Congress and their staff that they did not know the identity or background of the people they killed, as revealed by The Intercept. “It’s a double tragedy, not only because of the illegal killings, but also because the victims are erased, rendered anonymous,” said John Walsh of WOLA, a Washington-based human rights organization in Latin America, in a telephone interview with CLIP. Agreeing with Walsh and many others, including human rights experts, members of Congress, former U.S. government officials, and civil society organizations, who have questioned the legality of killing these men on the mere suspicion that they might be transporting drugs, a transnational journalistic alliance has been working since last December to identify these dead men, convinced that by revealing their faces and stories, their humanity will emerge. The alliance, coordinated by the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism (CLIP), brings together media outlets from the ARI region of Venezuela; 360, Casa Macondo, and Verdad Abierta of Colombia; and Guardian of Trinidad and Tobago. And freelance journalists in the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Costa Rica, and Mexico, with technical and financial support from Airwars, today release the first findings of the investigation, "Bombed, Without the Right to Defense." This collaborative investigation has been a painstaking task, weaving together the loose threads of many tragedies. To this end, we have visited hamlets and coastal towns in La Guajira and Nariño, Colombia, and Sucre, Venezuela; interviewed family members, friends, and acquaintances of victims, as well as local authorities and reporters in five countries; tracked and verified hundreds of social media posts; identified dozens of publications from recognized media outlets in multiple countries and languages; made dozens of information requests to authorities; contacted prosecutors' offices, hospitals, morgues, and embassies; and verified public and judicial records. With all this information, we built a database that, we hope, will contribute to raising awareness that these men were human beings who deserved to be tried if they were suspected of committing any crime. Most sources are anonymous because everyone is afraid to speak. Some relatives of victims in Venezuela and Santa Marta, Colombia, according to sources consulted by this alliance, say they have received threats. Others don't want to say anything because they fear reprisals from their governments or, worse, from the drug lords who rule where they live. Government agencies have been tight-lipped, and officials who respond only do so off the record because they don't want to cause problems for their countries with the United States. Adding the names of the people other media outlets and organizations have managed to identify, along with the new fatalities identified by this journalistic alliance, we have been able to obtain the full names of 16 of those killed in these attacks. We identified the nationality of two more, and the nickname of another. We have information about the identities of two other people whose remains washed ashore on a beach in northern Colombia days after an attack, but we don't know for sure if they were killed in a bombing. We have the full name of another possible victim. We have identified three wounded survivors. It's like looking for needles in a haystack of 179 people killed between September 2nd and May 5th, and the count continues… Each explosion shatters the ship and its crew—whether traffickers, passengers, or fishermen—into a thousand pieces. Their identities are blown to bits across vast oceans. This cross-border journalistic collaboration also found that the destructive wave doesn't stop there. As the on-the-ground reporting will show, Operation Southern Spear has further unraveled the fabric of communities already broken and broken by organized crime and the absence of the state, and has terrorized fishermen and travelers to the point of paralyzing the economy of a town in Nariño. We also verified that it disrupted at least 18 commercial flights in the Colombian Caribbean. Furthermore, we documented how it has fragmented international cooperation in the fight against illegal drugs, because other democracies fear being involved in actions that disregard international agreements governing the sea and international human rights law. The shockwave of the bombing reverberates with the fear among officials and prosecutors of revealing details of the rescues or their coordinates, as the neighbor to the North could retaliate with new tariffs or personal attacks on the government. Often, they don't even respond to those asking about their dead. The Bombed On the same boat as 'Pichirilo,' the soccer player, were Chad Joseph and Rishi Samaroo, two Trinidadians, whose relatives are now suing the U.S. government for their extrajudicial killings. The world learned of Chad and Samaroo because their families filed a legal complaint last January in a federal court in Massachusetts, seeking compensation for damages related to their deaths. According to the Trinidad & Tobago Guardian, a member of this alliance, last December, in the village where Joseph was born—he was 26 years old at the time of the October 14 bombing—everyone had known him since childhood as a fisherman. He had left his hometown of Matelot, a fishing village on the Trinidadian coast, to live with an aunt in Las Cuevas, a community with lifelong ties to Venezuela. “It was Joseph’s family, being among the first to identify him among more than 100 people who have lost their lives in the attacks, who shone a human light on the people who have died as a result of the United States’ attacks in the Caribbean Sea. The human stories prompted members of Congress to begin putting pressure on the Trump administration, demanding transparency about these attacks and attempting to question and stop them,” wrote the Trinidad & Tobago Guardian, two months after his presumed death. That same publication interviewed Lenore Burnley, Chad’s mother, who said that “since hearing the news, her life has been characterized by the contradictory storm of having a faint hope and the stark reality of Joseph’s sudden death, without a body to bury.” And when The Guardian asked her why she thought Joseph had risked going out, she replied: “I know the law of the sea; I’ve known it since I was young. If it’s a ship, or something like that, you’re supposed to stop it, you see? The law isn’t about killing people. Wherever you are, you shouldn’t kill people like that. This is the first time in my life, and I’m 51 years old. I’ve never heard of anything like this.” The local newspaper reported that, according to Chad Joseph’s partner, he had called her to say he was returning home from Venezuela. Sallycar Korasingh, Rishi Samaroo’s sister, said he was a hard-working man who had paid his debt to society and was just trying to get back on his feet and earn a decent living in Venezuela by raising cows and goats to help support his family, the ACLU said in a statement. “If the U.S. government believed Rishi had done something wrong, they should have arrested, charged, and detained him, not killed him. They must be held accountable,” said Korasingh. Representing Joseph’s mother and Samaroo’s sister in their case before the U.S. courts are the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the Center for Constitutional Rights, and Professor Jonathan Hafetz of Seton Hall Law School. The lawyers filed the suit under admiralty law, which allows individuals to seek compensation for damages from those responsible for wrongful death, as defined by the Death at Sea Act (DOHSA), recognized by the United States. They also invoked the Alien Torts Statute, which allows foreigners to sue in the United States for extrajudicial killings, prohibited under international human rights law. “The deaths of Joseph and Samaroo were clearly extrajudicial killings,” Steven Watt, one of the ACLU lawyers, explained to this journalistic alliance. They cannot be justified with arguments like those put forward by the Trump administration, that being in a war on drugs justifies the use of violent attacks, he said. Watt also said that his legal team, in a separate request based on the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), requested the legal memorandum produced by the Office of Legal Counsel of the Department of Justice, which outlines the official legal rationale for these attacks, because the government has not made it public to date. The relatives of the Trinidadians maintain that neither of them was carrying drugs, that they were ordinary citizens returning to their homes in Las Cuevas, Trinidad, after working in Venezuela. According to local sources who spoke to ARI, the Venezuelan media coalition allied with this investigation, a man named Dushak Milovcic had traveled on the same boat attacked on October 14. An AP report stated that Milovcic, 24, “started as a lookout for smugglers,” had been at the Venezuelan National Guard Academy, and, according to sources who spoke to the AP reporter, was now involved with drug traffickers. The boat attacked on October 14 was not the only one suspected of carrying illegal drugs due to the high number of passengers. Several news outlets and observers also expressed doubts about the first boat bombed on September 2, 2025, which had 11 passengers on board. According to some people interviewed on the ground, who are familiar with the movement of the boats and spoke with allies of this investigation in La Guajira, Colombia, and Sucre, it is common for the same boats that carry drugs on their way to Venezuela to bring passengers back. The “captains,” as those who pilot these boats are called, sign up for any job that comes up. Reported by: Vera Ferrari “To all the narco-terrorists who threaten our homeland: if you want to stay alive, stop trafficking drugs. If you continue trafficking lethal drugs, we will kill you,” threatened Pete Hegseth, U.S. Secretary of War, on November 7, the day after a deadly attack on a speedboat with three occupants in the Caribbean, off the coast of Colombia. With statements like these, anyone would imagine that multiple Pablo Escobars and Chapo Guzmans had just been killed. Reporters from this alliance found a very different reality. The remains of two people, presumably killed on November 6, appeared in Puerto López, Uribia, in La Guajira, Colombia. Various sources in La Guajira said the two men came from Pedernales, Dominican Republic, a province bordering Haiti in the Enriquillo region, where 72% of households live in poverty. A Dominican reporter confirmed to this alliance that dozens of young people leave from there to make a living in Colombia or elsewhere, and many are recruited to smuggle cocaine from the Colombian Caribbean coast back to the island in small boats. Since no one came to claim the bodies that washed ashore on the Colombian beach, because they had no relatives there, the Wayuu indigenous community living in that region buried them, as reported at the time by The New York Times. A month later, forensic technicians from the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine arrived and exhumed them. According to the Colombian news outlet 360-grados.co, a partner in this journalistic collaboration, this occurred between December 12 and 13, and as of this writing, the bodies remain refrigerated at the Forensic Medicine Institute in Barranquilla. Sources from the Colombian Attorney General's Office indicated that one of the bodies exhumed in La Guajira likely did not come from the attacked boats, given its state of decomposition. Local sources stated that they knew that the remains of another Dominican man who died on the boat on November 6 were not found in Colombia. The body had been dragged beyond Castilletes, some 20 kilometers inland into Venezuelan territory, where it is believed that members of the Wayuu community buried it. We were unable to confirm this version. (See “The victims of the Southern Command who were buried in La Guajira”). These young Dominicans are not very different from those in Uribia, in the Colombian region of La Guajira, where they went to look for work. Uribia is the poorest municipality in Colombia: 92% of its residents lack education, healthcare, and basic public services. This makes it easy to recruit them to transport cocaine, and they are paid for it, according to a boatman interviewed by the news outlet 360. “Most of the people here aren't owners; most of the owners of the merchandise are always from outside, we could even say internationally: they buy the merchandise here [in Colombia] and then wait for it at its destination,” the boatman explained to this journalistic alliance. Dozens of Dominicans have fallen into this trap of hope for a better life, and many have disappeared. Now the uncertainty is even worse for their relatives because they don't know if they were killed by U.S. missiles. This is what a Dominican woman, who spoke with this alliance but prefers not to give her name, fears. She hasn't heard from her brother Francisco—who worked various jobs in the tourism sector and had agreed to transport a shipment of drugs—since he called her from a boat about to set sail for home. It was mid-November, and he was using a satellite phone. It was a short conversation. He asked about his parents and told her he was coming back. He never returned. The bombings have also led many victims not to report disappearances. The reason? According to Dominican journalist Manuel González Feliz, it's a mixture of fear and shame among family members. As in Pedernales or La Guajira, Colombia, for many communities on the Colombian Pacific coast, transporting cocaine is not a criminal choice, but a survival strategy. The isolation of this region of jungles and mangroves, which stretches 1,300 kilometers from north to south of the country, contributes to its poverty. In Tumaco, Colombia's second-largest Pacific port and the departure point for many transporters, 84% of the population lives in multidimensional poverty. Drug trafficking groups exploit this situation by offering jobs in laboratories, shipyards, and as transporters. “It's the only source of employment that keeps these communities going. I know it's illegal, but it's what we have,” explains Duván Caicedo, a community leader in the small village of Pital de Costa, nestled between a river and the jungle on Colombia's Pacific coast. The 1,200 inhabitants of the hamlet live without potable water or a health clinic, a two-hour boat ride from Tumaco and the nearest hospital. A cocaine processing lab is the only source of work. In Sucre, the Venezuelan state where Güiria is located, 90% of the population lacks food security. According to ARI, almost no one is exclusively involved in cocaine trafficking. These boats are the lifeblood of the people on that coast: they bring and take away food, fish, and medicine. They carry workers from Venezuela to Trinidad and back, fishermen going out to bring in the day's catch, migrants fleeing authoritarianism, and also traffickers. (See story "All the 'turns' in Güiria"). When they carry drugs, there are usually two or at most three people on board: a driver and two assistants. This investigation reveals that the victims of the US bombings who came from Güiria worked as fishermen, motorcycle taxi drivers, bus drivers, and some of them had risked making a trip with cocaine because they couldn't support their families. Thus, Juan Carlos Fuentes, 43, a lifelong driver, and Luis Ramón Amundaraín, a 36-year-old fisherman and motorcycle taxi driver, had been in Trinidad and Tobago since September 28, 2025. Juan Carlos, his wife says, was desperate for money. A Yutong bus he used for his livelihood was damaged, and he couldn't afford to repair it. He called her from Trinidad the day before the October 3 bombing in which he presumably died and told her he was about to leave; that he wasn't carrying drugs. Ramón, his partner says, "went to look for more income" because the earnings from fishing and motorcycle taxis were no longer enough for his family of seven. She told ARI reporters that her husband was a fisherman. "They say he's a narco-terrorist," she said, but she maintains that if he were, they would have assets, and they don't even own a house. His family believes he died with Juan Carlos on October 3. What the women say makes sense, because their husbands were coming from Trinidad and Tobago to Venezuela, and the drugs flow in the opposite direction. Another man, Eduard Hidalgo, 46, had been a skilled fisherman and had left for the United States at the end of 2014. He was deported a year later. A friend maintains that although he had transported various goods for the criminal bosses in the area, he didn't want to make any more trips, "but they forced him." She believes he died in the bombing of a boat on February 23. (See story "The gringos exploited them": How three Venezuelans ended up on the boats attacked by the United States) Fear and hunger It's not just the families of the dead who mourn them today. The shockwaves are also impacting the communities. For example, for several days, fishermen in the rural area of Buenaventura, Colombia's main Pacific port, suspended their work for fear of not returning home, although they gradually resumed fishing later. The municipality of Olaya Herrera, in Nariño, was the most affected. A person working in the region's humanitarian sector, who asked to remain anonymous, told this alliance that many people there depend on the money collected by truckers after completing a trip. "When they return, money comes into the community, commerce picks up, and everyone benefits," they said. With the fear of making trips transporting drugs, money stopped coming into the families. "We are experiencing a very difficult situation," says Father Luis Carrillo. "It started to be felt in November, but it became critical in February." In coordination with the Mayor's office, the priest requested assistance from the Food Bank in Bogotá, and in March, 700 food baskets arrived by boat from Buenaventura and were distributed in the town of Bocas de Satinga and the surrounding rural area. “Obviously, that doesn’t alleviate even one percent of the needs,” says the parish priest. Who is investigating? Authorities in no country, from the United States to Colombia or Mexico, reveal how much drug was lost, how many of those killed in bombings were transporting it, or their names. They haven’t even reported how they gathered the intelligence that led them to identify these victims as military targets. This journalistic alliance sent a questionnaire with these and other questions to the United States Southern Command. They responded that “for reasons of operational security and the protection of forces, we do not discuss intelligence or details about our operational processes and planning.” His spokesperson also said that “the threat that narco-terrorists and cartels pose to human life cannot be ignored. They have escalated their violence to unprecedented levels, going beyond mere criminal conduct by committing unspeakable acts of terror. It is not only their criminal rivals who are in their sights; they are waging war against law-abiding citizens, entire communities, and government institutions, carrying out atrocious acts to impose their will and satisfy their insatiable thirst for illicit income.” Sources at the Dominican Republic embassy in Colombia confirmed to this news team that the only information received regarding the possible deaths of two of their citizens came from a speech by Colombian President Gustavo Petro; however, no official steps have been taken to identify them. They described the matter as “politically sensitive.” In Ecuador, the Navy's Coast Guard Service has not released any details about the search and rescue operations for possible survivors that—according to the U.S.—began after a bombing in the Pacific on February 9, 2026, as confirmed by a reporter supporting this investigation in that country. In the Costa Rican Pacific, authorities recovered two bodies and one survivor. The two deceased were Ecuadorian. Reporters from this alliance were able to confirm with security sources in Ecuador that one of them, Pedro Ramón Holguín Holguín, owned a fish retail business in Manta, a coastal city that is now a center of drug trafficking activity in the country. They also established that the Ecuadorian embassy in Costa Rica assisted with the identification of the remains, but their bodies are still in a morgue in San José, the Costa Rican capital. Casa Macondo, an ally of this investigation in Colombia, sent information requests to various authorities. DIMAR, the Colombian maritime authority, asserted that no one had reported any bombings in its territorial waters. Last November, the Foreign Ministry convened a meeting with the Ministry of Defense, the Navy, and the National Intelligence Directorate. The result was that all entities stated they had no official information beyond what had been reported in the media. The written conclusion, signed by the Director of Territorial Sovereignty, Javier Pava Sánchez, was that “our sovereignty has not been violated.” Thirteen days after that meeting, the Colombian ambassador to the OAS addressed the Permanent Council to denounce these same attacks as violations of international law. On December 23, Colombia reiterated this denunciation at an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council. The President of Colombia himself, Gustavo Petro, publicly stated that he had visited the home of Alejandro Andrés Carranza, a fisherman whose house was bombed on September 15, in Santa Marta, and had seen that he was living in poverty. He denounced these attacks as extrajudicial executions. Furthermore, he facilitated a meeting between a US lawyer and Carranza's family so they could consider filing a lawsuit for damages, according to the lawyer in question, Daniel Kovalik, who spoke to reporters from this alliance. Kovalik ultimately filed a complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS, arguing that Carranza's death was an extrajudicial execution and that the United States therefore violated the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man. The verbal attacks between Presidents Trump and Petro, which had been escalating for some time, became heated after these statements. Finally, President Petro met with Trump at the White House, and the accusations subsided. Sources at the Colombian Foreign Ministry now claim that the issue is so sensitive that they neither mention it nor provide any information about it. One of Casa Macondo's requests for information did bear fruit and revealed an effect of these bombings that had gone unnoticed: that coinciding with the aerial attacks on the suspected boats, the number of disruptions to commercial flights in Colombia increased in 2025. Using information from Aerocivil (the Colombian civil aviation authority), Casa Macondo determined that between January and July 2025, between four and five incidents involving the GPS systems of commercial aircraft were reported monthly, a level within the expected range for any airspace. But from August onward, coinciding with the eve of the bombing campaign, the reports increased fivefold. For the year, it recorded a total of 251 reports of GPS failures and classified them as unrelated to its systems. It closed the case without investigating the cause. Aerocivil reported that during 18 commercial flights over the northern Caribbean, pilots experienced GPS malfunctions while crossing AMBAS—the name given to an air navigation coordinate system over the Caribbean Sea, north of Colombia, where routes connecting Bogotá and Medellín with Miami, New York, Santo Domingo, and Curaçao converge. The signal was lost for between eight minutes and an hour—while the aircraft were flying at altitudes between 30,000 and 40,000 feet (approximately nine to twelve kilometers)—and was restored upon leaving Colombian airspace. The GPS always shut down in the same location and always reconnected once the aircraft had moved away. In one of the cases reported by Aerocivil, a pilot's GPS failed, and then, due to another malfunction, the transponder—the device that tells ground radar where the aircraft is—stopped transmitting. In the cockpit, the anti-collision system alarms activated, as if the ground were close, when in reality the aircraft was thousands of feet in the air. The pilot, who spoke with this news alliance on condition of anonymity, said he was frightened because it had never happened to him before, but that airplanes have at least three redundant navigation systems, and there is always a backup when one fails. "There was no danger to the passengers," he said. By providing these records, the aviation authority acknowledged that these incidents constitute a "disruption to civil air navigation" and officially classified them under its "hazard identification" protocol for airspace safety. (See Story: Commercial planes flew with interference coinciding with US bombings of the boats) Attacks that undermine the fight against drug trafficking Missile strikes may be more spectacular and violent than the quiet, regular interception and seizure that President Trump had been denigrating as useless, but no less effective for that. Thus, while Trump celebrated his first bombing on September 2nd of the boat with 11 crew members, as an attack against terrorists from the Tren de Aragua gang “identified with certainty” and claimed that it was carrying “massive quantities of drugs,” the Vice President asserted that it was the best and highest use of the armed forces. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, echoing these statements the following day, asserted that intercepting drug-carrying boats had not worked. “Instead of intercepting them, we blew them up, following the President’s order. And it’s going to happen again,” he said. What the US government officials failed to mention is that on that same September 2nd, Operation Zeus took place, which, however, did not involve lightning from the sky like the bombing that killed the 11 crew members. In Operation Zeus, the Colombian Aerospace Force had detected a suspicious vessel in the same Caribbean waters and shared the coordinates with the Dominican Air Force. The latter, in coordination with the US Joint Interagency Task Force-South (JIATF-S) at Naval Air Station Key West in Florida, dispatched naval units to intercept it. They boarded the vessel, arrested its two crew members, and seized 448 kilograms of cocaine, turned over evidence to a criminal case, and there were no fatalities. It wasn't the only one. A CLIP investigation tracked regular counternarcotics interdictions in the Caribbean and Pacific conducted by U.S. entities in cooperation with European and Latin American countries between September 2025 and February 2026. The investigation relied on information from law enforcement and press reports in various languages and countries, and consulted public records available through Global Fishing Watch's API v3 and Vesseltracker. It found that, thanks to this international cooperation, at least 140 tons of cocaine were seized and 160 crew members were arrested and subsequently brought to justice without a single shot being fired. The investigation also revealed that, coinciding with the operation targeting speedboats, the Tasmanian-flagged tugboat Little Girls, the Greek fishing vessel Ourania A, and the older Turkish-owned vessel United S all passed through the Atlantic loaded with drugs. None of these vessels were destroyed by missiles. They waited until the vessels reached a safe location to immobilize them, seize the drugs they were carrying, and arrest their crews. Furthermore, the operation against the Ourania A led to the arrest of a known Greek drug trafficker. Regular anti-narcotics operations and lethal attacks were carried out in the same waters, during the same weeks, with intelligence coordination that in several cases passed through the same institutional nodes: the MAOC-N in Lisbon, the Joint Interagency Task Force-South (JITF-S) in Key West, and the DEA. (See story: For large shipments, justice; for small ones, bombs). Who makes the decisions? Who ordered which vessel to blow up and which to let pass and then detain civilly? That's what we asked Southern Command. He did not answer the question, but instead sent the following comment: “Operation Southern Spear is being conducted under the orders of our Commander-in-Chief to defend U.S. homeland, protect regional partners, and maintain law and order by preventing narco-terrorists, cartels, and their network of accomplices from gaining a foothold in the Western Hemisphere through an overwhelming presence. The objective of the operation is to detect, disrupt, and dismantle the networks of cartels and other transnational organizations that the President of the United States, by executive order, has designated as terrorist organizations.” Legal experts have already raised concerns about the meaning of the term “narco-terrorist,” but Brian Finucane, senior advisor to the U.S. Program at the International Crisis Group and a former lawyer in the Office of the General Counsel at the U.S. Department of State, told this alliance that the U.S. military’s comments in response to this report take those concerns a step further. “The law of war permits violence that would otherwise be prohibited, but only during a genuine armed conflict—a threshold the Trump administration has failed to reach, as it hasn’t even identified who the United States is supposed to be fighting,” he said. “Beyond that fundamental problem, the administration’s suggestion that vaguely defined ‘facilitators’ can be targeted raises further concerns that it is violating the rules of its own flawed legal paradigm.” While international cooperation in the fight against drug trafficking proceeded normally and without fatalities during the six months from September to February, the multiple attacks carried out by the U.S. government left 140 dead, with no publicly reported cocaine seizures and destroying the forensic evidence that could lead to identifying the major drug traffickers who control the routes. In fact, the Colombian Attorney General's Office only opened a preliminary inquiry against survivor Jonathan Obando Pérez, according to El País América, "but does not foresee turning it into a formal investigation, as it lacks evidence to indicate that Obando Pérez committed any crime in Colombia." Therefore, after leaving the hospital, he was released. A source cited by AP from the Ecuadorian Attorney General's Office also stated that it "did not find sufficient evidence to initiate legal action" against Andrés Fernando Tufiño, a survivor of an attack in the Caribbean on October 16. Due to potential violations of human rights and the law of the sea, authorities in the United Kingdom and Canada said they would not share intelligence with their counterparts in the United States, as reported by Time. British sources told the magazine last November that "British officials believe that the US military strikes that have killed 76 people violate international law" and, therefore, suspended cooperation on these types of attacks in October. And Canadian sources said that their government “does not want its intelligence to help locate ships as targets for deadly strikes.” Last January, the Dutch Defense Minister said in Aruba that interdiction operations would continue in his country's territorial waters, but they would not use their naval station ship for operations related to the United States' Operation Southern Spear (the bombing operation). “No European country, including France, will send operational intelligence to the Americans in the current situation if it could be used as a basis for a military attack on a ship,” Dimitro Zoulas, head of the French police's anti-drug service, told Radio Caraibes (RCI). And Euractiv confirmed with a French security source that “it is 100 percent clear that the Europeans are not giving the United States any intelligence that could lead to a strike (against the ships).” The Colombian government had announced something similar, but a high-ranking diplomatic official who spoke with CLIP and asked not to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue, said that Colombia continues to share its intelligence with its U.S. counterpart as usual, but did not specify for which operations. In response to these criticisms, the Southern Command sent to this journalistic alliance, stating: “U.S. forces operate under rules of engagement that are consistent with international maritime law against activities that pose a direct threat to U.S. security and the lives of U.S. citizens. As a military organization entrusted with the defense of our homeland, we are fully committed to missions that directly support the health and safety of the American people.” Last April, a coalition of 125 civil society organizations from around the world (including Airwars, which provided expert information to this journalistic alliance, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International, among others) issued an urgent public appeal for countries to “immediately stop or refrain from supporting extrajudicial killings by the United States in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean.” “We must remember that all these individuals have names, families, and lives that will never be the same,” said Jamil Dakwar, director of the ACLU’s Human Rights Program, at a hearing before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS (IACHR) on April 13. That organization, in addition to representing the two Trinidadian victims before a U.S. federal court, asked the IACHR to declare that missile strikes on vessels violate international law and proposed the creation of a special group to investigate the implications these strikes have had in the hemisphere. Why do they do it, then? It's difficult to understand why the Trump administration insists on continuing the bombings, despite their failure to stem the flow of drugs. Even Admiral Nathan Moore, commander of the U.S. Coast Guard's Atlantic Area, a proponent of using all methods, including bombings, acknowledged that they haven't seen any noticeable difference in the flow of cocaine. Moore stated, after 21 bombings in November 2025, that neither the traffickers' routes, nor the pace, nor the purity of the drug have changed. It's likely they succeeded in getting traffickers to stop using some routes, especially those used by go-fast boats—according to an analysis by InSight Crime, a media outlet specializing in organized crime—but the operation didn't "prevent traffickers from moving cocaine by other means," such as increasing their use of the Amazon route. Nor is it difficult for major drug traffickers to replace the dead with other men drawn into their networks by desperation, poverty, and unemployment, as these are plentiful along Latin American coasts. Attacking the weakest link in the multibillion-dollar drug trafficking business is nothing new. Our countries have been doing it without solving the problem for over 50 years. This new strategy of blowing up boats and killing unknown suspects takes this policy to the extreme. Missiles have caused tremendous suffering and plunge poor families and communities into even greater hardship, unable to defend themselves against the majestic U.S. military power or its omnipresent rhetoric. Furthermore, as discussed here, it alienates international cooperation and leaves the United States more isolated in the face of crime. Why then persist on such a risky and fruitless path for more than eight months? “The Trump administration believes in the show of force for reasons that have very little to do with effective interdiction,” says Walsh of WOLA. “They want to impress citizens, making them believe that they are finally putting an end to the terrible problem of drug trafficking, something other governments failed to do. The profound cruelty and callousness with which they order these systematic and intentional killings allows them to project the threatening nature of nameless ‘narco-terrorists.’ In this way, they shock many Americans while numbing the notion that the U.S. officials responsible for these killings must be held accountable.” The figure of President Trump and his top War and State officials, accompanying their bombings with explosive videos and triumphant social media posts, orchestrates a spectacle of disproportionate power against humble men, mostly poor, and in any case, only suspected of transporting drugs. As a Venezuelan woman, the wife of a man killed in a bombing, said, “Donald Trump didn’t stop to think; he’s killing a father and doesn’t know why this man got on that boat.” Do you have more information about this story? Write to us at investigaciones@elclip.org

“Reportan el fallecimiento del popular Pichirilo, gran talento deportivo Valdeciano. Nuestras palabras de condolencias a sus familiares”, publicó el 15 de octubre de 2025 @elshowderuben, una página de Facebook del programa del mismo nombre en la Emisora Radio Güiria Internacional de Venezuela. Su comentario tuvo 483 reacciones de emojis llorando, o de personas lamentando su muerte.  “Pichirilo no sabes cómo me duele tu noticia, nunca te voy a olvidar”, escribió una amiga. “Descansa en paz, Eduardo popular pichirilo”, “que en paz descanses pana pichirilo excelente deportista. Gran talento frente al arco.”, dijeron otros.  El día anterior, el 14 de octubre, un misil disparado por militares estadounidenses había volado una lancha fuera de la costa venezolana, frente a Güiria, un pueblo en el municipio de Valdés, del estado Sucre y  punto de salida hacia Trinidad y Tobago. Según se vio en el video oficial del gobierno estadounidense, la embarcación estaba quieta cuando la atacaron. Era el quinto golpe que propinaba Estados Unidos a barcos en el Caribe. Con las seis personas que cayeron ahí, completaban ya 27 muertos.   El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump  aseguró en su red social que su secretario de Guerra, Pete Hegseth, había dado la orden de asestar ese golpe en una ruta conocida de tráfico de drogas, en aguas internacionales, y que inteligencia de su país “confirmó que la lancha traficaba narcóticos” y estaba asociada a redes de narcoterroristas. El locutor radial del @showderuben le dijo a reporteros de esta alianza periodística que él publicó la noticia de Pichirilo porque sabía que era muy conocido en Güiria. “Este es un pueblo pequeño y aquí todo el mundo se conoce”, explicó, aunque negó saber nada acerca de las circunstancias en las que murió.  Reporteros de Alianza Rebelde Investiga (ARI) –una coalición de los medios independientes venezolanos Runrunes, Tal Cual y El Pitazo –, aliados a esta investigación, confirmaron en Güiria que el nombre de Pichirilo era Eduardo Jaime, y que era un jugador de fútbol de sala, querido en ese pueblo costero del Caribe venezolano. Una familiar le confirmó luego por teléfono a esta alianza que Eduardo Jaime venía en la lancha volada el 14 de octubre.  Desde septiembre de 2025 y hasta el 26 de abril pasado, en la llamada Operación Lanza del Sur (Southern Spear), las fuerzas militares de Estados Unidos llevaban 58 embarcaciones destruidas a golpes de misil y habían causado la muerte a 172 personas como Eduardo Jaime –según confirmó el Comando Sur de los Estados Unidos en respuesta por correo a las preguntas que envió este equipo periodístico.  Desde entonces, y hasta el 5 de mayo, cuando se cerró esta historia, el gobierno de ese país ha anunciado públicamente que realizó otros dos ataques donde mataron otras cinco personas.  Las autoridades estadounidenses además contabilizaron en total a otros 12 desaparecidos, que se presumen muertos. No obstante, esta alianza periodística verificó con fuentes en Costa Rica, que de tres presumidos sobrevivientes, luego de un bombardeo en marzo en el mar frente a ese país, dos fallecieron antes de llegar a tierra. Así, la cuenta de los muertos llega 179 hasta el 5 de mayo.  En su respuesta escrita, el Comando Sur de ese país dijo que “cada acción tomada durante la Operación Southern Spear (Lanza del Sur) es deliberada, legal y precisa, dirigida directamente contra los narcoterroristas y sus facilitadores. Tenemos plena confianza en los profesionales de operaciones e inteligencia que informan nuestras misiones”. (Ver toda la respuesta aquí) No obstante, días después del ataque en que murió Pichirilo, en ese mismo octubre, funcionarios del gobierno de Trump reconocieron en reportes a congresistas y sus asistentes que no sabían la identidad ni la historia de las personas que matan, según reveló The Intercept. “Es una tragedia doble no sólo por los asesinatos ilegales, sino que las víctimas son borradas, convertidas en anónimas”, dijo, en entrevista telefónica con el CLIP, John Walsh, de WOLA, una organización de defensa de los derechos humanos en Latinoamérica basada en Washington.  Coincidiendo con Walsh y muchos otros, entre expertos en derechos humanos, congresistas, ex funcionarios del gobierno estadounidense y organizaciones civiles, que han cuestionado la legalidad de matar a estos hombres por la sola sospecha de que podían estar transportando drogas, desde diciembre pasado, una alianza periodística transnacional se dio a la tarea de ponerles nombre a estos muertos, convencidos de que  al conocer sus rostros e historias, emergerá su humanidad.  La alianza, coordinada por el Centro Latinoamericano de Investigación Periodística, CLIP, que reúne a los medios de la región ARI de Venezuela; 360, Casa Macondo y Verdad Abierta de Colombia; Guardian de Trinidad Tobago; y periodistas freelance en República Dominicana, Ecuador, Costa Rica y México con el apoyo técnico y financiero de Airwars, hoy lanza los primeros hallazgos de la investigación Bombardeados, sin derecho a la defensa.  Esta investigación colaborativa ha sido una labor de filigrana, tejiendo hilos sueltos de muchas tragedias. Para ello, hemos visitado caseríos y pueblos costeros en La Guajira y Nariño, en Colombia y en Sucre, Venezuela; entrevistado a familiares, amigos y conocidos de víctimas, autoridades y reporteros locales en cinco países; rastreado y verificado cientos de posteos en redes sociales; identificado decenas de publicaciones de medios reconocidos en múltiples países e idiomas; realizado decenas de peticiones de información a autoridades; contactado fiscalías, hospitales, morgues y embajadas; y hemos verificado registros públicos y judiciales. Con toda esa información, construimos una base de datos que, esperamos, contribuya al elevar la consciencia de que estos hombres eran seres humanos, que merecían haber sido juzgados si eran sospechosos de cometer algún delito.  La mayoría de las fuentes son anónimas porque todo el mundo teme hablar. Algunos familiares de víctimas en Venezuela y en Santa Marta (Colombia), según confirmaron fuentes consultadas a esta alianza,  dicen haber recibido amenazas. Otros no quieren contar nada porque temen represalias de sus gobiernos o, peor, de los señores del narco que mandan en donde viven. Las entidades han resultado herméticas y los funcionarios que responden, sólo lo hacen off the record porque no quieren meter en líos a sus países con Estados Unidos. Sumando las personas que otros medios y organizaciones han conseguido nombrar y las nuevas víctimas mortales identificadas por esta alianza periodística, hemos podido conseguir los nombres y apellidos de 16 de los muertos en estos ataques. De dos más, identificamos su nacionalidad; y de otro, su apodo. De otras dos personas, cuyos restos fueron a dar a la playa al norte colombiano días después de un ataque, tenemos datos de quiénes eran, pero no sabemos con certeza si cayeron en un bombardeo. De otra posible víctima tenemos su nombre completo. Identificamos a tres sobrevivientes heridos. Es buscar agujas en un pajar de 179 ejecutados, desde el 2 de septiembre hasta el 5 de mayo, y seguimos contando… Cada explosión destroza al barco y a sus tripulantes, fuesen traficantes, pasajeros o pescadores, en mil pedazos. Sus identidades volaron al viento sobre océanos inmensos.  Esta colaboración periodística transfronteriza también encontró que la ola destructiva no para ahí. Como lo retratará la reportería en terreno, la Operación Southern Spear ha deshilachado además el tejido de comunidades, de por sí rotas y doblegadas por el crimen organizado y la ausencia de Estado, y ha aterrorizado a pescadores y viajantes, al punto que paró la economía de un pueblo nariñense. También verificamos que en el Caribe colombiano perturbó al menos 18 vuelos comerciales. Más allá, documentamos cómo ha fragmentado la cooperación internacional de combate a las drogas ilegales, porque otras democracias temen estar involucrados en acciones que desconozcan acuerdos internacionales que rigen el mar y el derecho internacional sobre los derechos humanos. Reverbera con la onda explosiva el temor entre funcionarios y fiscalías de revelar detalles de los rescates o sus coordenadas, pues el vecino del Norte puede revirar con nuevos aranceles o ataques personales a los gobernantes. Muchas veces, ni siquiera les responden a quienes están preguntando por sus muertos.  Los bombardeados En el mismo bote de ‘Pichirilo’, el jugador de fútbol, viajaban Chad Joseph y Rishi Samaroo, dos trinitenses, cuyas parientes ahora reclaman al gobierno estadounidense por sus ejecuciones extrajudiciales. De Chad y Samaroo se enteró el mundo porque sus familias presentaron una queja legal en enero pasado ante una corte federal de Massachusetts, Estados Unidos, buscando ser indemnizadas por daños y perjuicios por sus muertes.  Según reportó el Trinidad & Tobago Guardian, miembro de esta alianza, en diciembre pasado, en el pueblo donde nació Joseph –quien tenía 26 años al momento del  bombardeo del 14 de octubre – todos lo conocían desde niño como pescador. Se había ido desde su natal Matelot, un pueblo pesquero en la costa trinitense, a vivir a donde una tía en Las Cuevas, una comunidad con lazos de toda la vida con Venezuela.  “Fue la familia de Joseph, al ser una de las primeras en identificarlo entre más de 100 personas que han perdido su vida en los ataques, la que arrojó una luz humana sobre las personas que han muerto como resultado de los ataques de los Estados Unidos en el mar Caribe. Las historias humanas hicieron que congresistas comenzaran a ponerle presión al gobierno de Trump al pedir transparencia sobre estos ataques y al intentar cuestionarlos y detenerlos”, escribió el Trinidad & Tobago Guardian, al cumplirse dos meses de su presunta muerte.  Ese mismo medio entrevistó a Lenore Burnley, madre de Chad, quien dijo que “desde que supo la noticia, su vida se ha caracterizado por la tormenta contradictoria de tener una vaga esperanza y la cruda realidad de la súbita muerte de Joseph, sin que haya un cuerpo para enterrar”.  Y cuando Guardian le preguntó por qué creía que Joseph se había arriesgado a salir, ella respondió: “sé de la ley del mar; la conozco desde que era joven. Si es un barco, o una cosa así, se supone que tienes que detenerlo, ¿ves? La ley no consiste en matar a personas. Donde sea que estés, no debes matar a personas así. Esta es la primera vez en mi vida, y tengo 51 años. Nunca he escuchado de algo así”. Dijo el citado diario local que, según la la pareja de Chad Joseph, él la había llamado para decirle que iba de regreso a casa desde Venezuela.  Sallycar Korasingh, la hermana de Rishi Samaroo, había contado que él era un hombre trabajador que había pagado su deuda con la sociedad y solo intentaba recuperarse y ganarse la vida dignamente en Venezuela criando vacas y cabras para ayudar a mantener a su familia, según informó ACLU en un comunicado . “Si el gobierno de Estados Unidos creía que Rishi había hecho algo malo, debería haberlo arrestado, acusado y detenido, no asesinado. Deben rendir cuentas”, dijo Korasingh. Representan a la madre de Joseph y a la hermana de Samaroo en su caso ante la justicia estadounidense, la Asociación Americana de Derechos Civiles (más conocida como ACLU, por su sigla en inglés) , el Centro para los Derechos Constitucionales y el profesor Jonathan Hafetz, de la Escuela de Derecho Setton Hall.   Los abogados lo presentaron bajo la ley de demandas del almirantazgo, que les permite a personas reclamar compensación por daños a quien haya cometido una muerte por negligencia (wrongful death, en inglés), según el Acta de Muerte en Altamar (DOHSA), reconocida por Estados Unidos. Así mismo, invocaron el viejo Estatuto de Reclamación de Agravios Contra Extranjeros (Alien Torts Statute) que permite a los extranjeros reclamar en Estados Unidos por ejecuciones extrajudiciales, prohibidos en las leyes internacionales de Derechos Humanos.  “Las muertes de Joseph y Samaroo fueron claramente ejecuciones extrajudiciales”, explicó a esta alianza periodística Steven Watt, uno de los abogados de ACLU. No se pueden justificar con argumentos como los esgrimidos por el gobierno Trump, de que estar en guerra contra las drogas les justifica el uso de los ataques violentos, dijo.  Watt dijo además que su equipo legal, en una demanda independiente de ésta, basada en el Acta de Libertad de Información (FOIA por su sigla en inglés), pidió el memorando legal producido por la Oficina de Consejería Legal de del Departamento de Justicia, que expone la racionalidad jurídica oficial de estos ataques, porque el gobierno no la ha hecho público hasta ahora.  Las parientes de los trinitenses aseguran que ninguno de los dos llevaba drogas, que eran ciudadanos corrientes que estaban regresando a sus casas en Las Cuevas, en Trinidad, después de trabajar en Venezuela.   Según dijeron fuentes locales a ARI, la coalición periodística de medios venezolanos aliada de esta investigación, un hombre llamado Dushak Milovcic habría viajado en ese mismo barco atacado el 14 de octubre. Un reporte de la AP, informó que Milovcic, de 24 años, “comenzó como vigía para contrabandistas”, había estado en la Academia de la Guardia Nacional de Venezuela y, según dijeron fuentes a la reportera de esa agencia, ahora estaba involucrado con los transportadores de droga.  El del 14 de octubre no fue el único barco del que se sospecha no llevaba drogas ilegales por el alto número de pasajeros que transportaba. Varios medios de prensa y observadores también expresaron su duda frente al primer barco bombardeado el 2 de septiembre de 2025, en el que iban 11 pasajeros. Según algunos entrevistados en terreno, que conocen el movimiento de las lanchas y hablaron con aliados de esta investigación en La Guajira colombiana y en Sucre, es frecuente que las mismas embarcaciones que de ida llevan droga, de vuelta traigan pasajeros. Los “capitanes”, como se les dice a quienes pilotean esos barcos, se apuntan a cualquier trabajo que salga.  Realización: Vera Ferrari “A todos los narcoterroristas que amenazan nuestra patria: si quieren seguir vivos, paren de traficar drogas. Si siguen traficando drogas letales, los vamos a matar”, amenazó  Pete Hegseth, secretario de Guerra de Estados Unidos el 7 de noviembre, al otro día de un golpe mortal a una lancha con tres ocupantes en el Caribe, frente a las costas colombianas.  Por calificativos como estos, cualquiera imagina que acaban de matar a múltiples Pablos Escobares y Chapos Guzmanes.  Los reporteros de esta alianza encontraron una realidad muy distinta.  Restos de dos personas, presumiblemente caídos ese 6 de noviembre, aparecieron en Puerto López, Uribia, en La Guajira colombiana. Distintas fuentes guajiras dijeron que eran dos hombres provenientes de Pedernales, República Dominicana, una provincia fronteriza con Haití, en la región de Enriquillo, con 72% de los hogares en pobreza. Un reportero dominicano le confirmó a esta alianza que desde allí salen decenas de jóvenes a rebuscarse la vida en Colombia o en otros lados, y muchos son enganchados para traer cocaína desde las costas colombianas en el Caribe de vuelta a la isla, en viajes en lancha.  Como nadie venía a reclamar los cadáveres que llegaron a la playa colombiana, porque allí no tenían parientes, la comunidad indígena wayúu que habita en esa región los enterró, según reportó en su momento The New York Times. Un mes después, llegaron los técnicos forenses del Instituto de Medicina Legal colombiano y los exhumaron.  Según verificó el medio colombiano 360-grados.co, aliado de esta colaboración periodística, eso ocurrió entre el 12 y 13 de diciembre y, hasta el cierre de esta edición, permanecen refrigerados en Medicina Legal de Barranquilla. Fuentes de la Fiscalía colombiana indicaron que uno de los cadáveres desenterrados en La Guajira probablemente no provenía de las embarcaciones atacadas, dado su estado de descomposición.  Fuentes locales afirmaron saber que los restos del cuerpo de otro dominicano caído en la embarcación del 6 de noviembre no se encontraron en Colombia. El cuerpo había sido arrastrado más allá de Castilletes, unos 20 kilómetros tierra adentro en territorio venezolano, donde se cree que miembros de la comunidad wayúu lo enterraron. No pudimos confirmar esta versión.  (Ver “Las víctimas del Comando Sur a las que les echaron tierra en La Guajira”).  Esos jóvenes dominicanos no son muy distintos a los de Uribia, en La Guajira colombiana, la región a donde fueron a buscar trabajo. Este último es el municipio más pobre de Colombia: el 92% no tiene educación, ni salud, ni servicios públicos. Por ello es fácil engancharlos para acarrear cocaína y les pagan, según declaró un lanchero con el que habló el medio 360.   “La mayoría de la gente acá no son dueños, la mayoría de los dueños de la mercancía siempre son de afuera, podemos decir hasta internacionalmente: que compran la mercancía acá [en Colombia] y ellos mismos la esperan en su destino“, explicó el lanchero a esta alianza periodística.  Por ese agujero de la esperanza de hacerse una vida mejor han caído decenas de dominicanos y muchos han desaparecido. Ahora la incertidumbre es peor para sus parientes porque no saben si fueron volados por los misiles estadounidenses. Es lo que teme una mujer dominicana, con quien habló esta alianza, pero que prefiere no dar su nombre. Ella no sabe nada de su hermano Francisco –quien hacía diversos oficios en el sector turístico y había aceptado llevar una carga de drogas– desde que la llamó desde una lancha a punto de zarpar rumbo a casa. Fue a mediados de noviembre pasado y estaba usando un teléfono satelital. Fue una charla corta. Él preguntó por sus padres y le anunció su regreso. Nunca volvió.  Los bombardeos además han llevado a muchas víctimas a no denunciar las desapariciones. ¿La razón? Según el periodista dominicano Manuel González Feliz, es una mezcla de miedo y vergüenza entre los familiares.  Como en Pedernales o en La Guajira colombiana, para muchas comunidades de la costa Pacífica colombiana, el trabajo de transportar cocaína no es una elección criminal, sino una estrategia de supervivencia. El aislamiento de esta región de selvas y manglares que se extiende 1.300 kilómetros de norte a sur del país influye en que sea tan pobre. En Tumaco, el segundo puerto colombiano sobre el Pacífico, de donde salen muchos de los transportadores, un 84% de sus habitantes vive en la pobreza multidimensional. Y los grupos de narcotráfico se aprovechan ofreciendo trabajo en laboratorios, astilleros de embarcaciones y como transportistas. “Es la única fuente de empleo que mueve estas comunidades. Sé que es ilegal, pero es lo que hay”, explica Duván Caicedo, líder comunitario del pequeño poblado de Pital de Costa, situado entre un río y la selva en el Pacífico colombiano. Los 1.200 habitantes del caserío viven sin agua potable y sin puesto de salud, a dos horas en lancha desde Tumaco y desde el hospital más cercano. Un laboratorio de procesamiento de cocaína es la única fuente de trabajo. En Sucre, el estado de Venezuela donde queda Güiria, el 90 % de la gente no tiene segura su alimentación.  Según reporteó ARI, casi nadie se dedica exclusivamente a hacer viajes que lleven cocaína. Esas lanchas mueven la vida cotidiana de la gente en esa costa: traen y llevan comida, pescado, medicinas. En ellas viajan trabajadores de Venezuela a Trinidad y de regreso, o pescadores que salen a traer la pesca del día, migrantes que huyen del autoritarismo y también traficantes. (Ver historia Todas las”vueltas” en Güiria). Cuando cargan drogas, generalmente van dos o máximo tres personas, un conductor y dos ayudantes. Esta investigación revela que las víctimas de los bombardeos estadounidenses provenientes de Güiria se dedicaban a la pesca, a conducir mototaxi, a manejar bus, y  algunos de ellos se habían arriesgado a hacer un viaje con cocaína porque no podían sostener a sus familias. Así, Juan Carlos Fuentes, 43 años, chofer de “toda la vida”, y Luis Ramón Amundaraín, pescador y mototaxista, 36 años, estaban en Trinidad y Tobago desde el 28 de septiembre de 2025. Juan Carlos, dice su esposa, estaba desesperado por falta de dinero. Se le dañó un bus Yutong del que vivía y no lo pudo reparar.  Él la llamó desde Trinidad la víspera del bombardeo del 3 de octubre en que presumiblemente cayó y le dijo que estaba por salir; que no llevaba droga.  Ramón, dice su compañera, “se fue para buscar más ingresos” porque la ganancia de la pesca y los traslados en moto habían dejado de ser suficientes para su familia de siete. Ella contó a los reporteros de ARI que su esposo se dedicaba a la pesca. “Dicen que él es un narcoterrorista”, dijo, pero asegura que si lo fuera tendrían bienes, y ni siquiera tienen casa propia. Su familia cree que él murió con Juan Carlos el 3 de octubre.   Tiene sentido lo que dicen las mujeres, porque sus maridos venían de Trinidad y Tobago hacia Venezuela y las drogas fluyen en sentido contrario. Otro más, Eduard Hidalgo, de 46 años, había sido ducho pescador y se había ido a finales de 2024 a Estados Unidos. Lo deportaron un año después. Sostiene una amiga que si bien había transportado diversas mercancías para los jefes criminales de la zona, no quería hacer más viajes, “pero lo obligaron”.  Ella cree que cayó en el bombardeo de una lancha el 23 de febrero pasado.  (Ver historia “Los explotaron los gringos”: Cómo tres venezolanos terminaron en las lanchas atacadas por Estados Unidos) Miedo y hambre No sólo las familias de los muertos hoy los lloran.  La ondas expansivas también impactan a las comunidades. Por ejemplo, durante algunos días, pescadores de la zona rural de Buenaventura, el principal puerto colombiano sobre el Pacífico, suspendieron sus faenas por el temor de no regresar a sus hogares, aunque luego las retomaron paulatinamente.  El municipio de Olaya Herrera, en Nariño, salió más afectado. Una persona que trabaja en el sector humanitario de la región y pidió anonimato, le dijo a esta alianza que allí muchos viven del dinero que recogen los transportistas al completar un viaje. “Cuando regresan, entra plata a la comunidad, el comercio se mueve y todos se benefician”, dijo. Con el miedo a hacer viajes transportando drogas no volvió a ingresar dinero a las familias.  “Estamos viviendo una situación muy pesada”, dice el párroco Luis Carrillo. “Se empezó a sentir desde noviembre, pero se volvió crítica en febrero”. En coordinación con la Alcaldía, el sacerdote solicitó ayuda al Banco de Alimentos en Bogotá y en marzo llegaron en barco desde Buenaventura 700 canastas con alimentos que se repartieron en la cabecera municipal de Bocas de Satinga y la zona rural. “Obviamente eso no mitiga ni el uno por ciento de las necesidades”, dice el párroco. ¿Quién investiga? Las autoridades de ningún país, desde Estados Unidos hasta Colombia o México, revelan cuánta droga se hundió, ni cuantos de los caídos en bombardeos la transportaban, ni sus nombres. Ni siquiera han informado cómo recogieron la información de inteligencia que los llevó a señalar a esas víctimas como objetivo militar.   Esta alianza periodística envió un cuestionario con estas y otras preguntas al Comando Sur de los Estados Unidos. Este respondió que “por razones de seguridad operativa y protección de las fuerzas, no discutimos inteligencia ni detalles sobre nuestros procesos y planificación operativos”. También dijo su vocero que “no se puede ignorar la amenaza que los narcoterroristas y los cárteles representan para la vida humana. Han intensificado su violencia hasta niveles sin precedentes, yendo más allá de la mera conducta criminal al cometer actos de terror indescriptibles. No son solo sus rivales criminales quienes están en su mira; están librando una guerra contra ciudadanos respetuosos de la ley, comunidades enteras e instituciones gubernamentales, llevando a cabo actos atroces para imponer su voluntad y satisfacer su insaciable ansia de ingresos ilícitos”. Fuentes de la embajada de República Dominicana en Colombia confirmaron a este equipo periodístico que la única información recibida sobre la posible muerte de dos de sus connacionales proviene de una alocución del presidente colombiano Gustavo Petro; sin embargo, no se han iniciado gestiones oficiales para su identificación. Calificaron el asunto como “políticamente sensible”. En Ecuador, el Servicio de Guardacostas de la Armada no ha revelado ningún detalle sobre las operaciones de rescate de posibles sobrevivientes que —según dijo EE. UU— inició tras un bombardeo en el Pacífico el 9 de febrero de 2026, según confirmó un reportero que apoya esta investigación en ese país. En el Pacífico costarricense, las autoridades rescataron dos muertos y un sobreviviente. Los dos fallecidos eran ecuatorianos. Reporteros de esta alianza pudieron confirmar con fuentes de seguridad en Ecuador que uno de ellos, Pedro Ramón Holguín Holguín, tenía un negocio minorista de venta de pescado en Manta, una ciudad costera que es hoy centro de la actividad narcotraficante en el país.  Lograron establecer, además, que la embajada de Ecuador en Costa Rica ayudó con la identificación de los restos, pero sus cuerpos, a la fecha, siguen en una morgue en San José, la capital costarricense.  Casa Macondo, un aliado de esta investigación en Colombia, envió peticiones de información a diversas autoridades. La DIMAR, la autoridad marítima colombiana, aseguró que nadie le reportó que hubo bombardeos en sus aguas territoriales. La Cancillería convocó en noviembre pasado a  una reunión con el Ministerio de Defensa, la Armada y la Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia. El resultado fue que todas las entidades dijeron no tener información oficial más allá de los medios de comunicación. La conclusión escrita, firmada por el Director de Soberanía Territorial Javier Pava Sánchez, fue que “nuestra soberanía no ha sido vulnerada”. Trece días después de esa reunión, el embajador colombiano ante la OEA intervino en el Consejo Permanente para denunciar esos mismos ataques como violaciones al derecho internacional. El 23 de diciembre, Colombia repitió la denuncia en una reunión de emergencia del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU.  El mismo presidente de Colombia, Gustavo Petro, dijo públicamente que había visitado la casa de un pescador bombardeado el 15 de septiembre, Alejandro Andrés Carranza, en Santa Marta, y había visto que vivía en la pobreza. Denunció estos ataques como ejecuciones extrajudiciales. Además, facilitó una reunión de un abogado estadounidense con los familiares de Carranza para que estos consideraran demandar por daños sufridos, según contó el abogado en cuestión, Daniel Kovalik, a reporteros de esta alianza. Finalmente, Kovalik presentó una denuncia ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos de la OEA, argumentando que la de Carranza fue una ejecución extrajudicial y que por ello Estados Unidos violó la Declaración Americana de los Derechos y Deberes del Hombre.  Los ataques verbales entre los presidentes Trump y Petro, que venían escalando de tiempo atrás, se tornaron álgidos luego de esta declaraciones.  Finalmente, el presidente Petro se reunió con Trump en la Casa Blanca, y las denuncias se acallaron. Fuentes de Cancillería colombiana ahora aseguran que el tema es tan sensible que no lo mencionan, ni dan información al respecto.  Uno de los pedidos de información de Casa Macondo sí fructificó y reveló un efecto de estos bombardeos que había pasado desapercibido: que coincidiendo con los ataques desde el cielo a los botes bajo sospecha, subió el número de disrupciones a  vuelos comerciales en Colombia en 2025. Con información de la Aerocivil (la autoridad colombiana de aviación civil), Casa Macondo estableció que entre enero y julio de 2025 se habían reportado mensualmente entre cuatro y cinco incidentes involucrando a los GPS de los aviones comerciales, un nivel dentro de los rangos esperados para cualquier espacio aéreo. Pero desde agosto, coincidiendo con la víspera del inicio de la campaña de bombardeos, los reportes se multiplicaron por cinco. En el año contabilizó un total de 251 reportes de fallas de GPS y las clasificó como ajenas a sus sistemas. Cerró el expediente sin investigar qué las causaba.  Aerocivil informó que durante 18 vuelos comerciales que volaban en el Caribe norte, los pilotos dieron cuenta de fallas en los GPS de los aviones, al cruzar AMBAS –como se le llama a una coordenada de navegación aérea sobre el mar Caribe, al norte de Colombia, donde convergen las rutas que conectan Bogotá y Medellín con Miami, Nueva York, Santo Domingo y Curazao. La señal permanecía perdida entre ocho minutos y una hora —mientras los aviones cruzaban a alturas de entre 30.000 y 40.000 pies, es decir, entre nueve y doce kilómetros de altura—, y se recuperaba al salir del espacio aéreo colombiano. El GPS siempre se apagó en el mismo lugar. Siempre se volvió a encender cuando el avión se alejó. En uno de los casos reportados por Aerocivil,  a un piloto le fallaron los GPS y luego por otra falla, el transponder —el dispositivo que le dice al radar en tierra dónde está el avión— dejó de transmitir y en la cabina, se encendieron las alarmas del sistema antichoque, como si el suelo estuviera cerca, cuando en realidad iba a miles de pies de altura.  El piloto de la aeronave, que habló con esta alianza periodística pidiendo reserva del nombre, aseguró que se asustó porque nunca le había pasado, pero que los aviones tienen al menos tres sistemas redundantes de navegación, y siempre hay alternativa cuando uno se apaga. “No hubo peligro para los pasajeros”, dijo.  Al suministrar estos registros, la autoridad aérea reconoció que estos episodios constituyen una “afectación a la navegación aérea civil” y los clasificó oficialmente bajo su protocolo de “identificación de peligros” para la seguridad del espacio aéreo. (Ver Historia Aviones comerciales volaron con interferencias coincidentes con los bombardeos de EE.UU a las lanchas) Ataques que socavan la lucha contra el narco Los golpes de misil pueden ser más espectaculares y violentos que la silenciosa interceptación e incautación regular que el presidente Trump venía denigrando como inútil, pero no por ello, más eficaz. Así, mientras Trump celebraba su primer bombazo del 2 de septiembre a la lancha con 11 tripulantes, como un ataque contra terroristas del Tren de Aragua “identificados con certeza” y aseguraba que llevaba “cantidades masivas de drogas”, el vicepresidente aseguró que era el mejor uso y más elevado uso de sus fuerza armadas. El secretario de Estado Marco Rubio, haciendo eco de esta declaraciones el día siguiente, aseguró que interceptar a las lanchas que llevan drogas no había funcionado. “En lugar de interceptarlas, las volamos, siguiendo la orden del Presidente. Y va a pasar de nuevo”, dijo.   Lo que no contaron los dirigentes del gobierno estadounidense es que ese mismo 2 de septiembre ocurrió la Operación Zeus, que sin embargo, no lanzó rayos desde el cielo, como la del bombazo a los 11 tripulantes. En esta Operación Zeus, la Fuerza Aeroespacial Colombiana había detectado una embarcación sospechosa en las mismas aguas del Caribe, y compartió las coordenadas con la Fuerza Aérea dominicana.  Esta última, con la coordinación de la  Fuerza de Tarea Conjunta Interinstitucional del Sur de Estados Unidos (JIATF-S por su sigla en inglés), en la Base Naval Aérea de Key West en Florida, envió a unidades de su armada a interceptarla. Abordaron la embarcación, apresaron a sus dos tripulantes e incautaron 448 kilos de cocaína, entregaron evidencia a un proceso penal y no hubo un solo muerto.  No fue la única. Una investigación del CLIP siguió las interdicciones regulares de lucha antinarcóticos en el Caribe y en el Pacífico que realizaron entidades estadounidenses en cooperación con países europeos y latinoamericanos, entre septiembre de 2025 y febrero de 2026, basándose en informaciones de las fuerzas del orden y de prensa en varios idiomas y países, y consultó con los registros públicos disponibles en la API v3 de Global Fishing Watch y Vesseltracker. Encontró que gracias a esta cooperación internacional, pudieron decomisar, sin disparar un solo tiro mortal, al menos 140 toneladas de cocaína y detener a 160 tripulantes que luego fueron entregados a la justicia. Este rastreo estableció que, coincidiendo con la operación de bombardeos a lanchas, el remolcador Little Girls con bandera de Tasmania, el pesquero griego Ourania A y, el viejo buque de propiedad turca United S, pasaron por el Atlántico cargados de drogas. Ninguno fue volado con misiles. Esperaron a que llegaran a un lugar seguro para inmovilizarlos, incautar la droga que llevaban y detener a sus tripulantes. Es más, la operación contra el Ourania A llevó al arresto de un conocido narco griego.  Las operaciones antinarcóticos regulares y los ataques letales se ejecutaron en las mismas aguas, en las mismas semanas, con coordinación de inteligencia que en varios casos pasaba por los mismos nodos institucionales: el MAOC-N de Lisboa, la Fuerza de Tarea Conjunta Interagencial Sur (JITF-S) de Key West y la DEA. (Ver historia Para los grandes cargamentos, justicia; para los pequeños, bombas). ¿Quién toma las decisiones? ¿Quién ordenó a cuál embarcación volar y a cuál dejar pasar para luego detenerlo civilizadamente? Eso le preguntamos al Comando Sur.  No respondió la pregunta, sino que envió el siguiente comentario: “La Operación Southern Spear se lleva a cabo bajo las órdenes de nuestro Comandante en Jefe para defender el territorio nacional de los Estados Unidos, proteger a los socios regionales y mantener la ley y el orden, impidiendo que los narcoterroristas, los cárteles y su red de cómplices se afiancen en el Hemisferio Occidental mediante una presencia abrumadora. El objetivo de la operación es detectar, desarticular y desmantelar las redes de los cárteles y otras organizaciones transnacionales que el presidente de los Estados Unidos, mediante una orden ejecutiva, ha designado como organizaciones terroristas”. Expertos jurídicos ya han planteado sus inquietudes sobre el significado del término “narco-terrorista”, pero Brian Finucane, asesor principal del Programa de Estados Unidos del International Crisis Group y exabogado de la Oficina del Asesor Jurídico del Departamento de Estado de EE. UU., declaró a esta alianza que los comentarios del ejército estadounidense en respuesta a este reportaje llevan esas inquietudes un paso más allá. “El derecho de la guerra permite la violencia que de otro modo estaría prohibida, pero solo durante un conflicto armado genuino —un umbral que la administración Trump no ha logrado alcanzar, ya que ni siquiera ha identificado contra quién se supone que Estados Unidos está luchando”, dijo. “Más allá de ese problema fundamental, la sugerencia de la administración de que los ‘facilitadores’, vagamente definidos, pueden ser blanco de ataques, suscita aún más inquietudes de que esté violando las reglas de su propio paradigma legal falso”. Mientras la cooperación internacional para la lucha anti-narcóticos se desarrollaba con normalidad y sin dejar muertos en estos seis meses de septiembre a febrero, los múltiples ataques que realizó el gobierno estadounidense dejaron 140 muertos, sin una cantidad de cocaína públicamente incautada y pulverizando las pruebas judiciales que podrían llevar a encontrar a los grandes narcos dueños de las rutas.  De hecho, la Fiscalía de Colombia solo abrió una indagación preliminar en contra del sobreviviente Jonathan Obando Pérez,  según El País América, “pero no prevé convertirla en una investigación formal, pues no tiene elementos para señalar que Obando Pérez haya cometido algún delito en Colombia”. Por eso luego de salir del hospital, quedó en libertad. Una fuente citada por AP de la Fiscalía ecuatoriana también aseguró que “no encontró pruebas suficientes para emprender acciones legales” en contra de Andrés Fernando Tufiño, sobreviviente de un ataque en el Caribe el 16 de octubre.  Por las posibles violaciones a los derechos humanos y al derecho del mar, las autoridades de Reino Unido y Canadá dijeron que no compartirían inteligencia con sus pares de Estados Unidos, según reportó Time. Las fuentes británicas le dijeron en noviembre pasado a esas revista que “los oficiales británicos creen que los golpes militares de Estados Unidos que han matado 76 personas violan la ley internacional” y por ello, suspendieron la cooperación para este tipo de ataques desde octubre. Y fuentes canadienses dijeron que su gobierno “no quiere que su inteligencia ayude a localizar como objetivos a barcos para dar golpes mortales”.  En enero pasado, el ministro de Defensa holandés dijo en Aruba que continuarán las labores de interdicción en la aguas territoriales de su país pero no usarán su barco-estación naval para operaciones relacionadas con la operación Southern Spear (la de los bombardeos) de los Estados Unidos.  “Ningún país europeo, incluida Francia, enviará inteligencia operacional a los americanos en la situación actual si esta se puede usar como base para un ataque militar a un barco”, dijo Dimitro Zoulas, jefe del servicio antidrogas de la policía francesa a Radio Caraibes (RCI). Y Euractiv confirmó con una fuente francesa de seguridad que “es 100 por ciento claro que los europeos no les están dando ninguna inteligencia a Estados Unidos que puede llevar a un golpe (contra los barcos)”.  El gobierno de Colombia había anunciado algo similar, pero un alto funcionario diplomático que habló con CLIP y pidió no revelar su nombre por la sensibilidad del tema, dijo que hoy éste sigue compartiendo normalmente su inteligencia con su par de Estados Unidos, pero no precisó para cuáles operaciones.   A estas críticas, en la respuesta enviada a esta alianza periodística, el Comando Sur respondió: “las fuerzas estadounidenses operan bajo reglas de combate que son consistentes con el derecho marítimo internacional contra actividades que representan una amenaza directa para la seguridad de EE. UU. y la vida de los ciudadanos estadounidenses. Como organización militar a la que se le ha confiado la defensa de nuestra patria, estamos plenamente comprometidos con misiones que apoyan directamente la salud y la seguridad del pueblo estadounidense”. En abril pasado, una coalición de 125 organizaciones civiles de todo el mundo (incluida Airwars, que apoyó con información experta a esta alianza periodística, Human Rights Watch y Amnistía Internacional, entre otras), hizo una petición pública urgente para que los países “inmediatamente dejen o se abstengan de apoyar las ejecuciones extrajudiciales de Estados Unidos en el mar Caribe y el océano Pacífico”. “Debemos recordar que todos estos individuos tienen nombres, familias y vidas que nunca serán iguales”, dijo Jamil Dakwar, director del Programa de Derechos Humanos de ACLU en una audiencia ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos de la OEA (CIDH), el pasado 13 de abril.  Esa organización, además de representar a las dos víctimas trinitenses ante una corte federal estadounidense, pidió a la CIDH declarar que los golpes de misil a las embarcaciones violan el derecho internacional y propuso la creación de un grupo especial que investigue las implicaciones que estos han tenido en el hemisferio.  ¿Por qué lo hacen, entonces? Es difícil entender por qué el gobierno Trump se empeña en continuar los bombardeos, a pesar de que no frenan el flujo de drogas.  Incluso, el almirante Nathan Moore, comandante del Guardacostas de Área Atlántica de Estados Unidos, defensor de usar todos los métodos, incluidos los bombardeos, reconoció que no han visto ninguna diferencia notable en el flujo de cocaína. Moore dijo,  después de 21 bombardeos en noviembre de 2025, que no han cambiado ni las rutas de los traficantes, ni el ritmo, ni la pureza de la droga.   Es probable que hayan conseguido que los traficantes dejen de usar algunas rutas, sobre todo aquellas por donde se mueven las lanchas go-fast –de acuerdo con un análisis de InSight Crime, un medio especializado en el crimen organizado—pero la operación no “evitó que los traficantes movieran la cocaína por otros medios”, como apelar más a la ruta por la Amazonía.  Tampoco es difícil para los grandes narcos reemplazar a los muertos por otros hombres empujados a sus redes por la desesperación, la pobreza y el desempleo, pues éstos abundan en las costas latinoamericanas. Atacar al eslabón más débil del multimillonario negocio del narcotráfico no es nuevo. Lo vienen haciendo nuestros países sin resolver el problema desde hace más de 50 años. Esta nueva estrategia de explotar lanchas y matar sospechosos desconocidos lleva esta política al extremo. Los misiles han causado un tremendo dolor y hunden en peores carencias a familias y pueblos pobres que no se pueden defender del majestuoso poder militar estadounidense, ni de su omnipresente retórica.  Además, como se contó aquí, aliena la cooperación internacional y deja más solitario a Estados Unidos frente al crimen.  ¿Por qué entonces persistir en un camino tan riesgoso y estéril por más de ocho meses? “En el gobierno Trump creen en el espectáculo de fuerza por razones que tienen muy poco que ver con interdicción efectiva”, dice Walsh de WOLA. “Quieren impresionar a los ciudadanos, haciéndoles creer que ellos sí que le están poniendo fin al problema terrible del narcotráfico, lo que otros gobiernos no lograron. La profunda crueldad y despreocupación con que ordenan estos asesinatos sistemáticos e intencionales les permite proyectar la naturaleza amenazante de ‘narcoterroristas’ sin nombre. De esta manera asombran a muchos estadounidenses, mientras anestesian la noción de que los funcionarios de Estados Unidos responsables de estos asesinatos deben rendir cuentas ”. La figura del presidente Trump y sus más altos funcionarios de Guerra y Estado, acompañando sus bombardeos con videos explosivos y  triunfales comentarios en redes sociales, orquestan un espectáculo de poder desproporcionado frente a hombres humildes, en su mayoría pobres, y en todo caso, sólo sospechosos de estar transportando drogas.  Como dijo una venezolana esposa de un hombre caído en un bombardeo, “Donald Trump no se puso a pensar; está matando a un padre de familia y no sabe por qué este hombre se montó en ese bote”. ¿Tienes más información sobre esta historia? Escríbenos a investigaciones@elclip.org